tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-59522775866138486482024-03-13T04:04:24.065-07:00ALP Socialist Left ForumA forum for ideas, strategy and policy for the ALP Left and sympathetic fellow-travellers.Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.comBlogger150125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-59160836811932617962024-01-06T18:56:00.000-08:002024-01-06T20:25:36.413-08:00Does 'Radicalisation' have to be a Problem?<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj4UcH9qWdTBo1LFSppArRdlNpolwubWydzsqtVObUWCGTdgjtdDndzRT82FZdZjLSgdskhXSMnsyaPopRvR2hzRB9L-CDohpNh22jMEaJ3ATfZ2XD5TwSaJLuVAMw8Ew1LpeQdvQnTM1KQUVbGUIn1zYXYJiP3h_-YPqVRAe2CPAU2N-ortoQQ0XIwjA/s2560/REDFLAG.webp" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1440" data-original-width="2560" height="255" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj4UcH9qWdTBo1LFSppArRdlNpolwubWydzsqtVObUWCGTdgjtdDndzRT82FZdZjLSgdskhXSMnsyaPopRvR2hzRB9L-CDohpNh22jMEaJ3ATfZ2XD5TwSaJLuVAMw8Ew1LpeQdvQnTM1KQUVbGUIn1zYXYJiP3h_-YPqVRAe2CPAU2N-ortoQQ0XIwjA/w453-h255/REDFLAG.webp" width="453" /></a></div><br /> <p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-family: arial;">Dr Tristan Ewins</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Often we hear in discussions of Islamic/clerical Terrorism
and the far right that the problem is ‘radicalisation’. This now has an
integral place in how people view political ‘extremism’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>No doubt some political extremism is bad.
There is no place for right-wing ethno-nationalism or fascism in
Australia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And there is no place for
religious Terrorism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But ‘radicalisation’
used to mean more than this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When
Spartacus rebelled against slavery and forced gladiatorial combat in ancient
Rome he was a radical in his time. So too were the early, revolutionary social
democrats who critiqued capitalism’s exploitative nature ; and well as its toll
in exploitation and human suffering. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And
the anarchists in Spain who fought against fascism ; and sought to build a
co-operative economy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Discourse on ‘anti-radicalism’ has the underlying narrative
that centrist, capitalist neo-liberalism is the only legitimate choice ; and
all other choices are ‘radical extremes’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It poses as an absolute ; and hence is anti-democratic in the final
instance. Some would even call this scenario as ‘verging on the totalitarian’.
(locked into an absolute system with no way out ; and very little scope to even
discuss or propose alternatives)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">But remember that before the French Revolution democracy was
barely heard of.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the French
Revolution itself descended into Bonapartist dictatorship ; but it left a
lasting impression which led eventually to the ascendance of liberal
democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That was progress for its
time ; but today subtle and not-so-subtle cultural manipulation has people
denying their own interests in favour of capitalist Ideology.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same time we can view the Russian
Revolution of 1917 in a similar vein as the French Revolution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It began with high hopes of equality and
liberation ; but under pressure from internal and external threats descended
into the personal dictatorship of Stalin.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Similarly, though, as with the idea of democracy, the <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>idea of socialism is relevant still.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And we should not give up on the prospects of
its future re-emergence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It resonates in a world where people continue
to suffer exploitation and deprivation ; and the system delivers waste, crisis,
and instability. But the ‘left intelligentsia’ has all but given up on class
politics ; and somehow we need to restore an ethical and social-scientific
critique of capitalism and the class system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This does not mean we turn away from modern critiques of race and gender.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It does mean we re-conceive of our
responsibilities on the Left to lead struggles for change. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The future of struggle is in our hands. We
should also remember when people point to the ‘toll’ of socialism, that
capitalism delivered two World Wars with tens of millions killed ; and
countless ‘interventions’ – also with millions of deaths.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We can also consider Western Marxism – which made
its peace with democracy ; as well as avowed Marxists like Rosa Luxemburg,
Julius Martov and Karl Kautsky – who early on worried about the trajectory of
the 1917 Russian Revolution.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">So ‘radicalisation’ does not need to mean senseless violence,
religious intolerance and Terror without end.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Radicalisation can mean questioning certain fundamentals of the
socio-economic system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Critiques of
gender and race were radical in that they challenged ground-in discrimination,
oppression and segregation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
somewhere along the way the critique of capitalism and class was abandoned ;
and does not even figure into the thinking of many self-styled radicals of
today.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Starting with the Critical Theory
of Marcuse in the 1960s Leftists began to suppose the working class had been
co-opted by capitalist prosperity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hence
Marcuse turned to a ‘Great Refusal’ from those at the margins to challenge
capitalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hence race, gender and
sexuality gained a new sense of importance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>For a time students were also central to this New Left. And though
Marcuse retained a critique of capitalism (and remained a revolutionary) , many
of those who followed refused ‘Grand Narratives’ – which in practice meant it
was ‘unthinkable’ to propose<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a large
scale alternative to the existing systems.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The socialist Left currently occupies a similar position to
that suffered by democrats between Bonapartism and the end of the First World
War – which saw widespread embrace of liberal democracy in an effort to blunt the
challenge of socialism in the wake of unimaginable slaughter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Great Depression also saw an ascendance
of socialist ideas in response ; but polarisation in the context of Cold War
saw their widespread stigmatisation and abandonment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Especially in the US in the wake of 1950s McCarthyism
and the decades which followed.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Today there is an opening for<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a ‘new radicalism’. Modern capitalism leaves
millions struggling amidst a precarious existence – with inconsistent and
exploitative labour. Housing is widely unattainable ; and many struggle to
subsist amidst inflation ; and the use of interest rates (as opposed to tax for
instance) to contain that inflation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
wage share of the economy is at an all time low (or at least is as low as in
living memory). Many are expected ‘as a matter of course’ to commit to unpaid
overtime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And many capitalist interests
resist the necessary actions for neutralising climate change because it would
impact on profits.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Amidst all of this, also, there is an attempt to divide
middle and higher income workers from everyone else.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Social Democratic and Labour Parties do not
talk much about class inequality anymore ; but governments of all stripes
preside over a flattening of the tax system, the extension of user pays, and labour
market bifurcation with declining labour market regulation and declining union
organisation and militancy. Some very-well paid workers comprise what Marxists
once called a ‘labour aristocracy’, living in relative material privilege.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It figures we cannot always take everyone
with us, and we cannot stop capitalists playing ‘divide and conquer’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need to deal with this without giving<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>up and abandoning our values. Almost no-one
points to the problems associated with all this ; especially so-called ‘Third Way
Centrists’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Into this scenario
socialists could readily propose an alternative.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Beginning with the restoration and extension
of the social wage and welfare state ; and leading to a democratic mixed
economy where co-operative and government enterprise rise to new prominence –
also providing competition which counters capitalist monopolism or collusion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also we could do with re-regulation of the
labour market at the lower end. This would be the beginning of a long-term
struggle to improve society and end waste and exploitation.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Therefore we need to begin to question whether ‘radicalisation’
is always a bad thing. There is a liberal-capitalist hegemony ; but it is one
which is not afraid to abrogate its essentials (eg: freedom of assembly,
association and speech) when powerful interests are threatened.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it occupies an economic space ‘that is
not to be questioned’ ; but comprises a neo-liberalism which could itself seem ‘extreme’
if compared with the assumptions of the pre-Thatcher and pre-Reagan world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need to challenge the fundamentals of this
social and economic order if we are to rekindle hope of a better world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hopefully there will be a realisation that
the radicalism of a revived revolutionary social democracy (and other
associated movements) is not a threat to liberties ; but in fact may comprise
the very movements which will save them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Most importantly this ‘new radicalism’ must involve a movement which
mobilises from below ; and attempts to construct what Gramsci would call a ‘counter-hegemonic
historic bloc’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This means organising
at all levels to challenge capitalist power and Ideology in social formations, popular
culture, workplaces and even the State itself.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>And even where such a bloc is not mobilised or coherent enough to take
State Power ; the mobilisation itself will affect public and popular discourse
; and this will influence policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">But this is all predicated upon a rejection of the hegemony
of neo-liberal ‘Centrism’ and the realisation that radicalisation is not always
such a bad thing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We can change the world
; but it all starts with a rejection of the ‘Common Sense’ that ‘There Is No
Alternative’.</span><o:p></o:p></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-205143770978906012023-11-11T19:38:00.000-08:002023-11-12T00:29:15.929-08:00State Power and the Left today<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjdwYftzd4sTbRHefQDrsfpZ8MgDNVCO5x_IQmrX-EuBwVS08sxcIboDQm6Sx4NoQgH24AIw63k9HcJevDJpsVAyd21UCtE7dGPFNMb-VCUJKbeMrh5xW1RNSlU4nj6wW7G_D0S-urCbFKJShM1J9-85wwYz1-mrIphHokbczMaVZ28NJ8UUdtE_22LYA/s398/Gramsci_Image_Eugenio_Hansen.png" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="320" data-original-width="398" height="257" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjdwYftzd4sTbRHefQDrsfpZ8MgDNVCO5x_IQmrX-EuBwVS08sxcIboDQm6Sx4NoQgH24AIw63k9HcJevDJpsVAyd21UCtE7dGPFNMb-VCUJKbeMrh5xW1RNSlU4nj6wW7G_D0S-urCbFKJShM1J9-85wwYz1-mrIphHokbczMaVZ28NJ8UUdtE_22LYA/s320/Gramsci_Image_Eugenio_Hansen.png" width="320" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Above: Antonio Gramsci developed ideas of ‘War of
Movement’ and ‘War of Position’: arguing there was more than one road to
change.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Dr Tristan Ewins</span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="color: black; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"> </span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span face=""Arial","sans-serif"" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">The other day I saw another post by a
Conservative trashing Marxism, and arguing that Marxism had never succeeded in
practice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In response I argued that it depends
on how you measure success.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There may
never have been a communist government of the sort Marx envisaged.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some regimes were a macabre parody of Marx’s
principles.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Marx also helped to
unleash the social forces which at the same time improved society, while
perhaps preventing the kind of extreme polarisation that may have driven
revolution. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So in a way perhaps
Marx helped mobilise forces which prevented the kind of final confrontation he
envisaged.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps the success of
democratic socialists and social democrats in achieving reform actually
prevented the polarisation which would lead to revolution. Though from the 70s
onward the Left has also declined with the embrace of neo-liberalism, the
collapse of the USSR, falling wages, declining unionisation, working class
militancy and class identity, and so on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In response to these set-backs most alleged Leftists chose the strategy
of capitulation ; and the embrace of identity politics as an alternative to
socialism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not to say that identity
struggles aren’t important ; but they do not replace the need to have a clear
critique of political economy ; and an organised and conscious working class.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In response to those who argue there is
nothing of value in reading Marxist texts today, I say this: Marxism is fine so
long as you don't take Marx's or Lenin's writings as a closed book. Lots of
socialist democrats were also Marxists. Marxism influenced many Social
Democratic countries in Europe who have been prosperous. China is prosperous
but fails to meet Marx's principles on creative freedom and fulfilment. Lenin
worked under perhaps the worst possible circumstances and was driven to make
terrible compromises. Then much of the world socialist movement applied his (Lenin’s)
ideas ''more or less straight' into situations that demanded more nuanced and
situational thinking. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Thinkers such as Gramsci, Habermas,
Marcuse - remedied this to an extent. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Meanwhile Chantal Mouffe mixes Marxism with
robust liberal pluralism to base a strong theory of social change today that
some call 'Post-Marxism'. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Mouffe refers
to her outlook as ‘Agonism’)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the
Marxist tradition is both deep and broad - and we shouldn't shy away from
borrowing from it today. But perhaps with more respect for liberalism than
Lenin had. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because the ideology of
liberalism is a kind of defence in the sense that the State’s perceived
legitimacy rests upon certain liberal rights and freedoms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When those aspects of liberal ideology recede
the Left typically becomes more vulnerable to brute repression. But at the same time it causes the capitalist state to face a legitimation crisis where it's perceived legitimacy was based on liberalism. It 'cuts both ways'. That said, today many workers are
increasingly exploited and impoverished in line with a decline of social resistance
and class struggle. In part we're to blame for that ourselves on the broad Left
for reverting to nebulous 'Third Way' thinking, and abandoning class and the
critique of capitalism in the rush to identity politics.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Though Marx himself knew his work
wasn't complete, and there's still lots of value in his works we can still draw
on today. And as a tradition Marxism is very diverse and broad. But indeed his
works don't solve every problem on Earth ; and with the passage of well over a
century many things have changed. We do have to account for this.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">One of the key factors distinguishing
Marxism from mainstream liberal democracy is the Marxist critique of the
State.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Marx thought the working class
had to seize state power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Lenin,
meanwhile, argued this was only possible if the previous state was ‘smashed’ ;
that socialists could not successfully take a hold of the ‘ready made state
machinery’ to govern on behalf of working people and those who had been oppressed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The situation which followed Revolution was
referred to by Marx as ‘the Dictatorship of the Proletariat’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many critics of Marx see this as referring to
the literal Stalinist dictatorship which eventuated in the USSR.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Yet as Rosa Luxemburg pointed out
dictatorship of the proletariat can be interpreted as the democratic rule of the
workers ; as opposed to Lenin for whom it was the rule of the Communist Party.
So 'dictatorship of the proletariat' doesn't need to mean the dictatorship of
one person or party. But Lenin worked amidst a collapsing society where foreign
intervention was everywhere ; and the Entente powers (Britain, the
Commonwealth, and France) were determined to destroy the new government as that
government had pulled out of the war. (that is, World War One) The United States and Italy had also
joined the Entente.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Unfortunately the
logic of the crises which followed led to centralisation in the hands of fewer
and fewer people ; and the Bolsheviks turned in against themselves ; until
Stalin was the only one of the old Bolsheviks who was left. (except for
Alexandra Kollontai ; who became a diplomat for the ‘workers’ state’ ; and
ended up as ambassador to Sweden) Engels pointed out that some authoritarianism
was necessary in the midst of a Revolution – to protect the infant Communist
government from its enemies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
Gramsci pointed out that not all revolutions are the same ; and this means we
should not apply the Leninist template universally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps the Bolsheviks should have maintained
the Red Army ; but allowed the Constituent Assembly to sit ; as well as the
Soviets. In other words freedom - but with a backup plan. The problem would be
if the Constituent Assembly tried to establish their own State ; and hence
threaten sustained working class democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This kind of arrangement is called ‘Dual Power’ ; where all power is not
centralised in one place.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(but control
of the apparatus of force can still be a decisive factor) Also importantly: the State involves the apparatus of administration and not merely the apparatus of force. Seeking to 'smash' the state 'root and branch' - including the apparatus of administration - could prove to be self-destructive in the final analysis.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Considering the matter historically: Under
immense pressure, The French Revolution descended into Terror ; and eventually
Bonapartism (dictatorship) ; But this didn't cause liberal democrats to abandon
their cause. Eventually they succeeded. Neither should we on the Socialist Left
abandon our cause. Most importantly we need to be outspoken about our cause ;
because without this we will not mobilise anyone. Without this capitalist
ideology and institutions appear beyond question ; and alternatives are seen as
practically unthinkable. Also we need to be principled on issues like
privatisation – as hypocrisy has a demoralising and demobilising effect<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>, and upcoming generations of activists are
thoroughly detached form the values of their predecessors.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Lenin was a democratic centralist ;
which translated to the rule of the Party - which in turn delegated power to
decide and govern between Conferences to a Central Committee. He was prepared
to share power with like-minded Parties such as the Left Social Revolutionaries
; but after he suffered an attempted assassination by one of their members he
abandoned this. Rosa Luxemburg was scathing of over-centralisation ; pointing
out that it smothered workers' democracy ; and the self-corrective dynamics of
that democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The wisest Central Committee
was no substitute for democratic practice. You could argue that
over-centralisation was a crisis-management measure - but the problem is that
the Crisis never ended. And we ended up with the personal dictatorship of
Stalin. The comparison between socialists and liberal democrats stands ;
because even if Lenin was an over-centralist - he did not speak for all
socialists. The aim should have been to balance crisis management with workers'
freedom and democracy.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Some liberals have a problem with
forging a State which is sympathetic to the Left ; and hence not likely to resort
to extreme violence against the Left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>They presume that the modern state is democratic and impartial ; and hence
all the Left has to do to change society is to win a majority in
Parliament.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Problem is: apply that to
the Austrian instance. At the end of World War I the Austrian Social Democrats
controlled the Army. They achieved a liberal democratic revolution. But after
the war they gave up State power and allowed a new conventional army to be set
up. As an insurance policy they maintained their own militia. In 1934 they
achieved a majority in the Constituent Assembly. Immediately the Fascists
dissolved the Parliament by force - and in doing so they were supported by the regular
Army. For a time the Social Democrats negotiated behind the scenes. While they
did this the Army raided their arms caches and arrested their leaders. Finally
what was left of the workers' militia (the Schutzbund) took up arms, fortifying
the public housing estates in Vienna. But they were crushed after about a week,
and many of their remaining leaders were executed. Austria was under the heel
of a kind of fascism – years before the Nazis occupied the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(The Austrian fascist regime had clerical
sympathies ; and did not want German dominance ; like Franco’s regime in Spain
they were repressive ; but they did not have the Nazis’ racialized Ideology)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">The point is that unless progressive
forces control the Armed Forces – or otherwise influence it towards democracy -
they have no guarantee they can peacefully achieve a majority and govern for
their constituents. They can allow other parties to govern, yes. But they
cannot afford to allow their enemies to control the armed apparatus of State if
they actually have a choice in the matter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In Australia the prospect of radically
reforming the Armed Forces seems unlikely.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Perhaps the best we can do is school the military in pluralism and
democracy ; and try and ensure they never intervene inappropriately.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Unfortunately, constitutionalism is not
necessarily enough ; as Reserve Powers can be used to undermine democracy. Such
intervention is currently not likely as what passes for the Left in Australia
does little to challenge the status-quo. The opportunity to radically reform
the armed forces in Austria only occurred after a State collapse with the
defeat of Austria-Hungary ; and over a million Austrian and Hungarian deaths in World War One.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But with no opportunity to radically reform
the State, radicals always run the risk of falling afoul of it.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Historically, though– in the instance
of Revolutionary Russia - what I'm arguing for is basically that there should
have been a kind of dual power. Here, again, the Bolsheviks would have controlled
the Red Army and hence that would comprise 'the last line of </span>defense<span style="font-size: 12pt;">' . The
Soviets would have had their sphere of influence ; but the Constituent Assembly
would be enabled to do its job of representing voters as well. Though without
forming a state that was hostile to the Revolution.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In a recent argument I put forward this
view and was accused of hypocrisy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I was
accused of endorsing state repression ;<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>and hence having double standards on liberty.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was held that radically reforming the
State so the apparatus of force upheld democracy – including support for
elected left-wing governments - led to actual dictatorship in the common sense
of the word. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">But that's not what I'm arguing. My
argument is "hold on to control of the apparatus of force if you can - AS
AN INSURANCE POLICY against the violent or repressive tendencies of your
enemies." So THEY cannot use the state against you in an oppressive way.
More generally, I'm glad for my rivals to have free speech. I'm not glad for
them to have the option of using state power to repress me when things don't go
their way. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In the Russian context, however, things
were more complex ; as it was in the middle of a Civil War - and with foreign
intervention ; there was the spectre of hunger and social collapse and so on. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once you’ve accepted that the French
Revolutionaries had to resort to crisis management under certain circumstances,
then the same ought apply to the socialist Left in its struggles. But better
still to avoid the kind of crises that warrant such tactics. Hence 'War of
Position' is better than 'War of Movement'. (we’ll explain this shortly) It all
ended badly for the Bolsheviks anyway. There was a virtual 'repeat of history' as the rise of Stalin shadowed the previous rise of Napoleon. So if you could achieve stability on
the basis of a progressive and democratic pluralism that would be best. But it’s
best if you can have that pluralism while progressives control the apparatus of
force as an insurance policy. Importantly, the State is not homogenous.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While I am not a structuralist, the
structuralist Marxist Nicos Poulantzas described the State as a ‘contested
field’ ; upon which the logic of class struggle was ‘imprinted’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The idea that the State can be contested
without being left as a homogenous ‘instrument’ across its breadth and depth is
a very important one.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">This is why what Antonio Gramsci called
'war of position' is preferable to what he called 'war of movement'. In a 'war
of movement' - eg: the 1917 Russian Revolution - order is collapsing and
competing interests and parties rush to fill the void. In the process the
struggle can become very violent. In the Russia 1917 context there was foreign
intervention and White Armies besieging the Revolution. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And if Communist Parties do 'whatever it
takes' there's the potential for it to end disastrously. (though in that
context many feel they have no choice ; it’s easy to judge when personally you
live in conditions of stability) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By
contrast a 'war of position' involves a long term struggle for hegemony ;
through institutions, organisations, traditions, practices, movements. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Power is gained by reaching pre-eminence in
civil society - potentially through democratic processes. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And again the State can be penetrated by the
process of class struggle itself.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
the fate of Salvador Allende – whose democratic socialist government in Chile was
overthrown in 1973 by Pinochet with the assistance of the CIA - shows that if
the armed forces are hostile it can still end in slaughter. (against the Left) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
massacre of Leftists and labour movement activists in Indonesia in 1965-1966 is
an even more horrifying example: where over half a million were slain and the
rivers literally ran red with blood. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
apparatus of force is perhaps the hardest part of the State to penetrate and
challenge. In Australia, also, the Labor Government of Gough Whitlam was
effectively overthrown in 1975 in a ‘constitutional coup’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Of course bourgeois regimes don't mind wars
; and there is hypocrisy when it comes to the matter of violence. Violence
might become inevitable in defence of a picket line for instance. But the
modern Left has an interest in not escalating violence too far ; because it
does not stand a chance against the violent power of the modern State if that
state is hostile.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or more to the point ;
against the State’s apparatus of force. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps the word ‘apparatus’ suggests an
instrumental outlook – which is problematic – but the armed forces can be
isolated from any broader class struggle. At the end of World War One, though,
the establishment of workers’ armies was possible in a context where millions
of workers were mobilised in the armed forces by a horrific war which had discredited
the old regimes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the class struggle
in Australia is also problematic because class consciousness is now at an all
time low following the demobilisation of the labour movement in the 1980s and
thereafter.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Left has a substantial
task in front of it.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">So the modern struggle involves taking
every opportunity to reform the State ; while engaging in cultural and social
struggles ; as well as civil disobedience. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This means always pushing the boundaries ; but
having the wisdom not to press them too far if there is a likely prospect of overwhelming
repression.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Again: escalation beyond a certain point is
not usually a wise option for the Left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">A strong and mobilised civil society is
also a defence against repression ; so achieving this is a high priority for
both revolutionaries and reformers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Perhaps the best way is a mix of reformist and revolutionary outlooks.
That is: seek qualitative change ; but be prepared to achieve this
incrementally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While at the same time taking advantage of ‘watershed’
scenarios to achieve radical change more quickly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All this involves mobilising civil society
and reforming the State to contain the threat of repression. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">This may also seem distanced from the
reality of day to day politics ; but that current reality is one where
progressive parties have limited power because of the threat of international
capital strike ; and the Left’s marginalisation in Civil Society.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Left has also largely abandoned struggles
or – and ideologies of – radical democratisation, class liberation, and other
progressive causes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In other words,
large parts of the modern Left have either lost their reason for being ; became
irrelevant ; or limited themselves to identity struggles while only contesting
political economy at the margins. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Again:
Hypocrisy on issues like privatisation, and timidity on issues like tax reform,
Industrial Relations reform, and social wage expansion – leave newer
generations on the Left demobilised, disoriented and demoralised. But if the
Left ever rediscovers itself, all these issues discussed here will once again burn with
immediate relevance.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-16571889032071970072023-09-26T00:26:00.006-07:002023-09-27T17:02:20.650-07:00The Legacy of Daniel Andrews. Recognising the Good with the Bad<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg2ukskmBVdCM1N9fS_JZoTIzhfTFlQ5ObqwA1FunUf4UaMxagSs4LAGUo--XO2-7ZFaoubyw4keU7MoTqqFLILVDBBYx1mZPDVXBM_U_cxEopRvuf-aLrBPmjqwiDUA6kA2xEQAUJEq52Vu209EDoK1EFt8Zg9mivu0PAHt0Wcy3j7JPlhCxUWwQRLow" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="940" data-original-width="940" height="377" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEg2ukskmBVdCM1N9fS_JZoTIzhfTFlQ5ObqwA1FunUf4UaMxagSs4LAGUo--XO2-7ZFaoubyw4keU7MoTqqFLILVDBBYx1mZPDVXBM_U_cxEopRvuf-aLrBPmjqwiDUA6kA2xEQAUJEq52Vu209EDoK1EFt8Zg9mivu0PAHt0Wcy3j7JPlhCxUWwQRLow=w377-h377" width="377" /></a></div><p></p><h3 style="text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-size: large;">above: Daniel Andrews Triumphant one last time (2022)</span></b></h3><p style="text-align: center;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Dr Tristan Ewins</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Today the impending retirement of
Daniel Andrews – Labor Premier of Victoria – has been announced.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For
many of us this came as a surprise ; but it seems Andrews wants to leave on his
own terms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Andrews has led a reforming Victorian
Labor Government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While championing the
rights of trans women and men, Andrews also presided over a radical increase in
the number of women in Cabinet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He also
oversaw controlled legalisation of euthanasia and medicinal cannabis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What is more he oversaw the shift towards
railway crossing removals as a much-more cost effective means of reducing road
congestion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Andrews Labor Government
also took something of an authoritarian turn during the Covid 19 crisis ; but
perhaps the unparalleled times called for this. Andrews also oversaw the
beginning of negotiations for a state-based Treaty: blazing a trail ahead of
his Federal<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>colleagues.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">On infrastructure and Health, Andrews
made big investments in public health: most specifically in increasing the
number of nurses on the ground ; and providing incentives and financial support
for future nursing graduates.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A total of
over $150 million was invested in indigenous Health (with an anticipated
100,000 extra appointments) ; as well as free IVF, women’s health clinics, and
a mobile health clinic. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Further, public
Aged Care levels were maintained ; and funding provided to assist in ensuring a
registered nurse was provided in every aged care facility. Almost $50 million
was maintained for GP Respiratory clinics: whose importance I testify to
personally as a person whose mother died of Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary
Disease after a long and traumatic illness before this was made available.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And
since 2021 the Andrews Labor Government has invested over $6 billion in mental
health: largely in response to the Mental Health Royal Commission.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This includes the establishment of the new ‘</span><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Mental Health and Wellbeing Act
2022’ which will modernise the operation of mental health in Victora, with
dialogue and inclusion of families and consumers in decision-making emphasised.</span><span style="background: white; color: #333333; font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">On infrastructure in addition to
investments in health infrastructure (hospitals and the like) Andrews Labor also
made big investments in public transport which anticipate future need. This
includes projects such as the </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Metro Tunnel, North East
Link Program, and West Gate Tunnel</span><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"> –
which together have created over 50,000 jobs. Failing to invest here would come with a huge social and economic cost into the future, </span><span style="font-family: Cambria, serif; font-size: 15pt;">with uncontrolled congestion and a decline in the overall quality of the
public transport network.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">On the other hand,
though, it is against these backdrops that the Andrews Labor Government has
continued a now long-held Labor government tradition of privatisation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(acknowledging that 50 year leases are not
‘technically’ privatisation ; though they will effectively operate as such for
decades and decades to come)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Amidst a
strong sense of irony the </span><a href="https://vic.liberal.org.au/news/2022-11-24-daniel-andrews-privatisations#:~:text=He%20has%20privatised%3A,40%2Dyear%20partnership)%20%247.9%20billion"><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><b>Liberals argued in November 2022</b></span></a><span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><b> </b>that Andrews had raised
approximately $20 billion from the (effective) privatisation of the Port of
Melbourne, VicRoads,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and the Land Titles
Office.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Consumers will pay the price for this
for decades to come. Some of these are now effectively private monopolies in
their fields.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">But in a seeming Ideological U-turn
Andrews Labor also announced the re-establishment of the SECV. (State
Electricity Commission Victoria)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Those
of us old enough to remember the old SECV may recall a time when energy was
provided relatively cheaply ; and natural public monopoly effectively held
down cost-structures.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The new SECV will
be a substantially different creature – despite the nostalgia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Beginning with a $1 billion investment, the
new SECV will emphasise the building of renewables infrastructure, with
(according to Andrews) the creation of 59,000 jobs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The task will not be the recreation of
natural public monopoly , but the re-establishment of a part-public player:
which might perhaps be run on a not-for-profit basis – and inject significant
competition into the sector.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this
case consumers would stand to gain.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Depending on what the involvement is with superannuation funds, however,
there will be pressures to run ‘for-profit’.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">In June the Federal Government – in an
olive branch to the Greens – announced a $2 billion fund to be provided to the
States for the construction of public housing. </span><a href="https://thenewdaily.com.au/finance/property/2023/06/17/labor-pledge-2b-housing/?breaking_live_scroll=1"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">https://thenewdaily.com.au/finance/property/2023/06/17/labor-pledge-2b-housing/?breaking_live_scroll=1</span></a><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">This was enough to get the Federal
Government’s $10 billion public housing fund passed with Greens support for
this year. The Greens’ defence of this behaviour was that over the long term a
$10 billion fund could not provide enough turn over to substantially increase
and improve public housing stock.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But in
the future this $2 billion expenditure will have to be renewed every year – or
even increased. (perhaps to the vicinity of $3 billion)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is because State Governments (including
State Labor Governments) are pressed for cash and rely on Federal money to get
many projects over the line.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">That said, the housing crisis is real,
and Andrews Labor’s response has been disappointing on many fronts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Recently the </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/sep/23/daniel-andrews-victoria-labor-government-housing-statement"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">demolition of 44 public-housing towers was announced</span></a><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"> – to be replaced mainly by ‘affordable’ and ‘social’
housing (alongside mainly private dwellings) in the form of ‘public private
partnerships.’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Social-Housing is
‘broadly defined’ ; and includes so-called public-private partnerships. (which can
be light on the public component, and deliver rivers of gold to private
investors)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Public land will be made
available for private investors in return for a 10% ‘affordable housing
component’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The alternative for
developers is to pay a levy accounting for 3% of the project’s worth; then
diverted into social housing. <br />
<br />
There is a place for ‘affordable’ housing in ‘the mix’ ; but looking to Austria
for instance, public housing can be done so much better than this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In Vienna </span><a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/vienna-social-housing-architecture-austria-stigma/"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">nearly half of the city’s housing market</span></a><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"> is covered by co-operatively owned players and city-owned
housing. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not only does this deliver for
equity: it provides quality and flexibility.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: black; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Benita
Kolovos of ‘The Guardian’ has observed that: “of the 30,000 proposed new
dwellings on public land, only 11,000 will be available to public housing
tenants.”. This has led the Greens to brand the policy as </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/sep/23/daniel-andrews-victoria-labor-government-housing-statement"><span style="font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">‘the biggest
privatisation since Jeff Kennett.’ </span></a><span style="color: black; font-size: 15pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> The continued ‘ghettoization’ of public housing
will see it marginalised on an ongoing basis. To break out of that
‘ghetto’ – and to break prejudices and stigma - public housing needs big
ongoing investments ; and it seems now the only hope for that lies in bigger
purpose-tied commitments from Canberra. And this requires Federal Labor
to move away from overly-conservative fiscal policy.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 15pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Again: State Labor Governments, and
State Labor parties – need to be pressing Federal Labor to provide at least $3
billion a year for this purpose. Andrews Labor’s expansion of the market
may increase supply over time, and in-so-doing do something to contain
prices. But at the same time quality housing will remain out of reach for many
struggling families. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps if Labor
had diverted the $3 billion earmarked for the Commonwealth Games into public
housing this would have been more palatable.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 15pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">So in
conclusion, there is something of a ‘mixed report card’ for Andrews Labor.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On many fronts – despite absurd jibes about
‘dictator’ Dan (Comparing him to the North Korean despot Kim Jong-Un) - Andrews
Labor has proved itself ‘more socially liberal than the Liberals’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this day and age that is not all that
surprising.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In-so-far as there was a
streak of authoritarianism it was only under the unique circumstances posed by
Covid 19.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the structural costs of a
suite of privatisations will be passed on to consumers for decades to come.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Federal
Labor needs to ‘step into the breach’ to remove fiscal incentives for State Labor
Governments to ‘sell what’s left of the family silver’ in order to pay for big
projects. A good Labor government is one which expands the social wage and
welfare state, while also strategically expanding the public sector. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ideological preference for ‘Small government’
will not do.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(though the source of
Andrews Labor’s policy was more pragmatic than Ideological)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Who-ever takes the helm of Victorian State
Labor ; and whatever else happens Federally – something needs to change. And
hopefully this article is suggestive of where we could start.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 15pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Dr
Tristan Ewins<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">Dr
Tristan Ewins is a rank and file Labor member of over 30 years.</span></i></b><b><i><span style="color: black; font-size: 14pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="color: black; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.theage.com.au/politics/victoria/bronze-age-how-do-dan-andrews-3000-days-as-premier-measure-up-20230217-p5clb1.html"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">http s://www.theage.com.au/politics/victoria/bronze-age-how-do-dan-andrews-3000-days-as-premier-measure-up-20230217-p5clb1.html</span></a><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://otr.anmfvic.asn.au/articles/budget-delivers-on-andrews-government-election-workforce-commitments"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">https://otr.anmfvic.asn.au/articles/budget-delivers-on-andrews-government-election-workforce-commitments</span></a><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.health.vic.gov.au/mental-health-and-wellbeing-act"><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;">https://www.health.vic.gov.au/mental-health-and-wellbeing-act</span></a><span style="font-family: "Cambria",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ascii-theme-font: major-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-theme-font: major-latin;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/sep/23/daniel-andrews-victoria-labor-government-housing-statement"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%;">https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/sep/23/daniel-andrews-victoria-labor-government-housing-statement</span></b></a><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/vienna-social-housing-architecture-austria-stigma/"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%;">https://www.politico.eu/article/vienna-social-housing-architecture-austria-stigma/</span></b></a><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-59712907026439344482023-01-25T16:13:00.005-08:002023-01-25T16:15:16.270-08:00Australia Day 2023<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuRY7_Bt-z_WCDJkbcCfHET7pW6yby6ZpVdItuWh2M3EDRe8Diyu7yqfiqy80Fq8i4slLswy-VfuWauchG7ql0C7qbEp2FvOXWLdWt-JvWgkk94AtdWrnqE7eGEjAXlvSvEavxA8xt_AKYupFrEtjQISbIiUFdln-V5rBurff9ZgtrMg-G3hlNwyA/s3200/149445%20-%20Australia%20Day%20-%20Indigenous%20man%20at%20WugulOra%20-%20a%20ceremony%20celebrating%20Australia's%20traditional%20custodians%20on%20Australia%20Day%20-%20DNSW.webp" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1800" data-original-width="3200" height="233" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjuRY7_Bt-z_WCDJkbcCfHET7pW6yby6ZpVdItuWh2M3EDRe8Diyu7yqfiqy80Fq8i4slLswy-VfuWauchG7ql0C7qbEp2FvOXWLdWt-JvWgkk94AtdWrnqE7eGEjAXlvSvEavxA8xt_AKYupFrEtjQISbIiUFdln-V5rBurff9ZgtrMg-G3hlNwyA/w414-h233/149445%20-%20Australia%20Day%20-%20Indigenous%20man%20at%20WugulOra%20-%20a%20ceremony%20celebrating%20Australia's%20traditional%20custodians%20on%20Australia%20Day%20-%20DNSW.webp" width="414" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Dr Tristan Ewins</span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Around about this time of year the nation
usually pursues a debate on Australia Day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>What is the Australian identity?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>What do we have to celebate?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Is
there anything we should regret or mourn?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Is January 26<sup>th</sup> really the best date for our national day, or
should we reject the idea that Australia’s history only began with
colonisation?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After all, January 26<sup>th</sup>
is the date that the First Fleet arrived in 1788, but indigenous history goes
back for some tens of thousands of years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>As such debate on Australia Day also spurs discussion around the
formation of an Australian Republic ; on the flag ; on a Treaty and the need
for a Voice to Parliament ; and the reality of modern multicultural Australia.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">That said, there are things to celebrate
in our history which we can construct a national identity around.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Australia played an important role in the
defeat of Fascism in World War Two.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
egalitarian spirit of mateship helped the men to persevere during the conflict
and sometimes as POWs in Changi and the Thai-Burma railway. The question of the flag is complicated by the fact tens
of thousands died fighting under that flag to defeat fascism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And there are aspects of our working class
historical culture which resonate with egalitarianism ; though the
Conservatives have worked to minimise the significance of this in our National
Identity.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">By shifting our national day to the date
of Federation we would at least avoid the notion that history began with
colonisation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though there needs to be
simultaneous recognition that indigenous history goes back some tens of
thousands of years before that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Since
January 1<sup>st</sup> is already a public holiday an additional public holiday
would need to be established.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps
this could even be rethemed as ‘reconciliation day’ where we strive to grasp
our past and heal for the future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such a
day could provide focus for discussion on a Treaty ; and once a Treaty is
achieved could provide an opportunity to commemorate that achievement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And to focus on whatever work remains to be
done. If a Treaty were established ‘reconciliation day’ could become an annual
event. <o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Australia Day is a time to contest ‘what
it means to be Australian’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Left has
a mission to embed progressive values in our ‘national psyche’. Today is a good
day to pursue that mission. To discuss the Republic and perhaps the flag. And to pursue far-reaching reconciliation.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-85860332178439849532022-10-25T18:10:00.002-07:002022-10-25T22:17:23.947-07:00Labor's First Budget pitched as "Modest and Responsible' - But more Ambition needed<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOvkYcl7FFCRauHldU71xrSlkHmFwsJzxW1t_bQWFaymRli-CyeHRmW5-XtWQcOAhAswmhlUVXsmLw-mduGDIrtyz20AIxotSTe1YHzGvV4kq2RD9WWkSMaNc0ucZdUPitTtyShZSB4c41bgBEL3gale-2Jn6jXh62oWOv4yNhHEtAh4JQWDtGUlA/s1200/4483.webp" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1200" data-original-width="1200" height="396" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjOvkYcl7FFCRauHldU71xrSlkHmFwsJzxW1t_bQWFaymRli-CyeHRmW5-XtWQcOAhAswmhlUVXsmLw-mduGDIrtyz20AIxotSTe1YHzGvV4kq2RD9WWkSMaNc0ucZdUPitTtyShZSB4c41bgBEL3gale-2Jn6jXh62oWOv4yNhHEtAh4JQWDtGUlA/w396-h396/4483.webp" width="396" /></a></div><br /><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b> above: Federal Treasurer, Jim Chalmers</b></h2><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><br /><br /><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: 14pt;">Labor’s first Budget
has been pitched as ‘modest and responsible’, with limited new spending ; and
the intent of not </span><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">fueling</span><span style="font-size: 14pt;"> inflationary pressures. That said, there are some
welcome measures.</span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: 14pt;">$20 billion will be invested towards upgrading
the electricity grid ; preparing for a low-emissions future. Promises on Aged
Care will be fulfilled, with tougher regulation and an improvement in the wages
and working conditions of Aged Care workers. Over $2 billion will go into Education
; with free TAFE, 20,000 university places for the disadvantaged, and money for
more qualified teachers and better-resourced schools.</span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: 14pt;">Money will be provided for ‘urgent care
clinics’, and reducing the maximum co-payment for medicines from $42.50 to $30.
Finally, there will be more support for parental leave and subsidised childcare
; with a plan to promote an increase in housing supply (and hence affordability),
as well as an increase in Defence expenditure to over 2 per cent of GDP.</span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: 14pt;">(Herald-Sun 26/10/22)</span></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: 14pt;">Though this housing plan appears over-dependent
on private investment.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">All that said, there
are numerous problems as well. Jim Chalmers has flagged possible intervention
into the energy market, with power prices set to rise by 40 to 50 per cent. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This will crush struggling individuals and families.
Also, Labor is flagging its intention to go ahead with the Stage Three Tax Cuts
which will deliver a <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>$9000 windfall for
those earning $200,000 at a cost to the Budget of around $250 billion over 10
years. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nothing has been projected in the
way of energy subsidies, and the price for reining in inflation seems to be
falling upon those least able to pay. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Wages are also flatlining, regardless of pre-election
commitments to get wages moving.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">So – what *should*
Labor do? <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some would oppose improvements
for those on low wages and welfare as fuelling inflation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
those people should not be shouldering the burden. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Already the bulk of their income is going
towards non-negotiable necessities ; and increases in power costs will challenge
their capacity to make ends meet in the most basic sense. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There will be homelessness, skipped meals, and
Winters and Summers without heating or cooling. A temporary increase in tax for
those on middle and higher incomes could also have an anti-inflationary effect without
impacting on the most disadvantaged.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Specifically,
temporary tax increases for those on middle incomes could tighten demand
significantly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Without such tax
increases, individuals and families will be left to shoulder the burden with
higher interest rates, and hence higher home loan repayments. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some of this will be passed <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>on to renters as well. The question is: What
is the most efficient way of containing inflation? ; and how can this be
achieved while lessening the burden on those least able to pay?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also ;
what other measures need to be taken to sustain an improvement in the social
wage longer term?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Including the
preservation of a truly needs-based National Disability Insurance Scheme.
(NDIS) This may mean some other taxes need to increase progressively and permanently.
<br />
<br />
Over the longer term Labor needs a rethink on tax reform. Ideally the Stage
Three tax cuts should be withdrawn completely. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are so many priorities which demand funding.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But a compromise strategy could be to deliver
the same amount of tax relief ; but skewed towards those on lower and<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>middle incomes. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Median taxable income <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-28/whats-the-typical-income-in-australia-list-of-occupations/101330740">is
just under $50,000/year. </a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If tax credits
are provided for those on low and middle incomes ; relief could be delivered
without delivering an expensive windfall for those on higher incomes. By the
time the tax cuts are projected to be phased in we will likely be struggling to
recover from an inflation-induced slowdown ; or maybe even a recession.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At this point, it makes sense to support the
vulnerable and low-paid – as they spend the highest proportion of their income
on ‘getting<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>by’ compared with others.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That is ; they can be depended upon to spend
their incomes.<br />
<br />
Unemployment is also set to rise <a href="https://ministers.treasury.gov.au/ministers/jim-chalmers-2022/speeches/budget-speech-2022-23">to
4.5% over 2023 to 2025</a>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This begs
the question of whether Labor accepts arguments around a supposed Non Accelerating
Inflation Rate of Unemployment. (NAIRU) Again ; recession and ‘spare capacity’
are not the only means of containing inflation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Taxes can achieve this without depending on
social misery and wasted human resources.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Also, record profits
in the gas industry should be subjected to taxation ; as has <a href="https://australiainstitute.org.au/post/norway-shows-how-australia-can-get-a-fair-return-from-oil-and-gas/">occurred
in Norway for instance</a>. Those resources properly belong to all Australians
; and any windfall should be shared substantially with the Australian people.
This could be redirected to energy consumers with subsidies – especially those
on low incomes – while a legislated gas reserve could ensure Australian
consumers don’t miss out because of exports and global demand. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Into the future Labor
should be seeking to reduce poverty and inequality by boosting the social wage
and driving reform of the labour market ; especially for the working poor. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An important improvement in the social wage
would be implementation of Medicare Dental.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Earlier in its first term Labor delivered an increase in the minimum
wage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But others on low wages also need urgent
assistance. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is especially the case
in feminised industries like early childhood education. Again, any inflationary
impact could be countered with strategic and temporary increases in tax. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While impacting ‘the economic middle’ would be
regrettable ; the plight of those on low incomes is more urgent ; and Labor
needs to prioritise. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">While Labor needs to
deliver on promises to improve the Cost of Living, including energy affordability,
it also needs to be looking to boost the wage share of the economy. To some
extent this should be delivered as a matter of distributive justice ; and not
only in return for improved productivity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In 2018, <a href="https://www.futurework.org.au/infographic_the_shrinking_labour_share_of_gdp_and_average_wages#:~:text=This%20infographic%20summarises%20the%20bottom,for%2047.1%25%20of%20total%20GDP.">Jim
Stanford explained</a> how the wage share of the economy had fallen from 58.4
per cent in 1975 to 47.1 per cent in 2018. That translated to over $16,000 a
year on average per worker ; and $210 billion per year in total. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Not only does Labor need to agitate for improved
Awards at the lower end. It also needs to improve workers’ bargaining power
more broadly ; and this must include support for pattern bargaining. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even Secondary Boycott should be legalised in
circumstances where the ‘industrially strong’ support the ‘industrially weak’ ‘in
good faith’.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Importantly, though,
the wage share is lagging in areas like mining ; where regardless of this wages
are significantly higher than average. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Profits
are that high.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In this case the social
wage needs to be factored in ; and again a windfall profits tax ; and a longer-term
super-profits tax – could help. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Welfare also needs to be reformed to respond
comprehensively to the Cost-of-Living crisis ; including all pensions and
unemployment benefits.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Finally, the required
strategic expansion of social and affordable housing demands a greater public
investment. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While Labor is correct to
promote an increase in housing supply in geographic areas of job growth, it
also needs to ‘put its money where its mouth is’.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Labor has come to
government at an especially difficult time. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But there is a need to deliver on its mandate
; especially for those most in need. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Inflation can be contained without hitting the
most vulnerable overall ; and this needs to be Labor’s priority during its first
term.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-36844850938662223252022-09-27T20:44:00.011-07:002022-10-15T19:29:11.046-07:00Social Justice doesn't need to be 'put on hold' to Fight Inflation<p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj033ojdZAm7lpfDKO8p5gj98NwKc5WYsOnzrY9XDa_ZbUPM2pBa38QHIOUH74HZTI36kRxugTd4KHSpZQKA16SMlQawFoLpLVHbreCuWaV89l_Jnc9SUi3EU4QlF69VvxGA8fj5ece29mFzjnMuUbAbFLHYBhuhPAQDUzoghmwDbbQyqiceeyJQEU/s828/ALBANESE.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="466" data-original-width="828" height="281" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj033ojdZAm7lpfDKO8p5gj98NwKc5WYsOnzrY9XDa_ZbUPM2pBa38QHIOUH74HZTI36kRxugTd4KHSpZQKA16SMlQawFoLpLVHbreCuWaV89l_Jnc9SUi3EU4QlF69VvxGA8fj5ece29mFzjnMuUbAbFLHYBhuhPAQDUzoghmwDbbQyqiceeyJQEU/w499-h281/ALBANESE.jpg" width="499" /></a></div><p></p><h2 style="background: white; line-height: normal; text-align: center;"><b>above: Albanese doesn't need to 'put social justice on hold' to fight inflation</b></h2><div><b><br /></b></div><div><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">In Australia the
Labor Government is being warned not to spend too much for fear of exacerbating
inflation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same time workers are
urged to moderate wage demands to avoid a ‘wage/price spiral’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is the ‘common sense’ of the day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But at the same time the labour share of the
economy </span><span style="color: black; font-size: 14pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2022-08-23/fact-check-sally-mcmanus-labour-s-share-of-gdp/101357044#:~:text=Indeed%2C%20data%20from%20the%20National,per%20cent%20in%20December%202021."><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">has fallen by over 10 per cent of GDP</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"> since the 1970s. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;">Furthermore, income inequality is marked.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 14pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://povertyandinequality.acoss.org.au/inequality/#what-is-inequality"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white;">ACOSS observes</span></a></span><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;"> that:<br />
<br />
“People in the highest 20% income group receive 42% of all national income, which
is more than the share of the lowest 60% combined. People in the lowest 20%
receive only 6% of all household income, while the second lowest 20% receive
12%.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;">Here, </span><span style="color: black; font-size: 14pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://povertyandinequality.acoss.org.au/inequality/average-household-incomes-for-different-income-groups/"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white;">those in the lowest
20% bracket</span></a></span><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;"> earn on average $753 a week. While those in
the highest 10% bracket take $5230.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;">Meanwhile, </span><span style="color: black; font-size: 14pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://povertyandinequality.acoss.org.au/inequality/average-net-wealth-by-wealth-group/"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white;">in terms of wealth</span></a></span><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;"> the bottom 20% average $36,000, while the top 10% average $4,754,000.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;">Amidst this the Federal Labor Government’s support for an
increase of the minimum wage in line with inflation is welcome. But ‘the bigger
picture’ is one of increasing inequality, and an increasingly lower share of
the economy going towards the needs of working Australians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At some point Labor needs to confront
inequality ; and rectify these imbalances.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But rather than suppressing wages or implementing austerity, the ‘heat’
could be taken out of the economy by raising tax.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Temporary tax increases could target those on
middle incomes, while permanent tax increases could target those on high
incomes with the goal on funding social wage measures – like Medicare
Dental.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Because of the need to moderate
demand at this time, the ‘middle’ will be affected either by interest rates, or
wage suppression, or tax.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Choosing ‘the
tax lever’ achieves this while providing the means to fund infrastructure,
welfare and social wage initiatives.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At
the same time wages – especially at the lower end – could rise – with the aim
of furthering distributive justice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Overall
wages should also rise where the wage share is lower ; and where rectification
is necessary. Labor should make representations to Fair Work Australia to
achieve this ; and to increase the share going to lower income earners overall.
But in the immediate term demand would be moderated through higher tax.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Over the longer term such taxes on ‘the
middle’ could be removed to promote an economic recovery.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial; line-height: normal;"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="color: #00061d;"><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">The question Labor needs to ask is: ‘can social and
distributive justice be furthered while tackling inflation at the same time?’ </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">In this context, pursuing the Stage Three tax
cuts makes no sense economically, and from a social and distributive justice
perspective. </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">They will see a flat 30 per
cent tax rate for all incomes </span><a href="https://theconversation.com/that-243-billion-saving-from-axing-the-stage-3-tax-cut-is-more-mirage-than-reality-190350#:~:text=To%20recap%2C%20Stage%203%20cuts,rung%20of%20the%20tax%20ladder." style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">from
$40,000 to $200,000</a><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">.</span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">This will see an increase in overall demand
rather than have a dampening effect.</span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> (though by then the inflation genie may be 'back in the bottle' so to speak) </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">It will
also minimise progressive redistribution and entrench inequality.</span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">It
means proportionately those on lower incomes will pay more for the services and
infrastructure functions of government, The Stage Three Tax Cats will also cost
the Budget billions: </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/datablog/ng-interactive/2022/aug/26/scrapping-stage-three-3-tax-cuts-would-save-243bn-how-would-you-spend-it-calculator-interactive" style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">almost
$250 <b>biillion</b></a><b style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;"> </b><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">over nine years.</span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">This money could fund high speed rail, and
Medicare Dental, while improving pensions, and winding back user pays in Higher
Education. </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">It </span></span><span style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-size: initial;"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/datablog/ng-interactive/2022/aug/26/scrapping-stage-three-3-tax-cuts-would-save-243bn-how-would-you-spend-it-calculator-interactive">could also fund</a><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="color: #00061d;"><span style="background-color: white; font-size: 14pt;"> a massive
investment in public housing, while improving the wages of Aged Care workers
significantly. And probably much more besides. </span></span></span><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="color: #00061d;"><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt; mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;">Some would say such investment would act as a
stimulus ; but again it depends on what temporary and permanent tax increases
accompany said measures. Importantly, if such spending kicked in a bit later down the track, the inflation crisis might be over ; and stimulus may in fact be appropriate once more.</span><o:p style="background: white; font-size: 14pt;"></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: normal;"><span face=""Gotham-Book",serif" style="background: white; color: #00061d; font-size: 14pt;">The bottom line is that managing inflation does not have to
mean social and distributive justice are put on hold. There is scope to improve
welfare and social wage while dampening demand overall in the immediate term ;
but also rectifying the imbalance between capital’s share of the economy and
labour’s share of the economy. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When we
have Labor Governments we need to make the most of such opportunities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need an Albanese Government that makes the
most of the possibilities of government ; and makes long term structural
reforms which further the goals of social and distributive justice.</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><b></b></div>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-15488387049355833082022-08-30T17:37:00.003-07:002022-08-30T22:07:38.633-07:00Remembering Mikhail Gorbachev and his Legacy<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuLkBKjtDYB8ftKxMONoF_v1FpD1eh2GPKt-SYbhLjo5JD_kYyhayAZ3tH54PLYDiPsKVQnGik1-5LWQiv-VJVXUO0ZjZLR1EVxKVMg_cWLpYkBeJ-y5b-gNexp5X6BXMEk_sKL8tGvNFxZyjB24b9g1esnyNoUNdJffGPuyecqcyb_q8AEM27mo4/s1600/Gorbachev.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="1600" height="306" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhuLkBKjtDYB8ftKxMONoF_v1FpD1eh2GPKt-SYbhLjo5JD_kYyhayAZ3tH54PLYDiPsKVQnGik1-5LWQiv-VJVXUO0ZjZLR1EVxKVMg_cWLpYkBeJ-y5b-gNexp5X6BXMEk_sKL8tGvNFxZyjB24b9g1esnyNoUNdJffGPuyecqcyb_q8AEM27mo4/w544-h306/Gorbachev.jpg" width="544" /></a></div><br /><h2 style="text-align: center;"><b>above: Former Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev</b></h2><p><br /></p><p><b>Dr Tristan Ewins</b></p><p><br /></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">
<!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Mikhail Gorbachev has passed away at the age
of 91. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the West Gorbachev is still held
in high esteem for ‘ending the Cold War’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His policies of Glasnost (‘openness’)
and Perestroika (‘Restructuring’) opened the way for reform, but also perhaps
sadly the disintegration that then followed, with the effective theft of
peoples’ assets and industry that was later to occur under Boris Yeltsin.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The world of (capitalist) ‘oligarchs’ that
has followed the collapse cannot seriously be considered as in any way better
than the former state of affairs ; and liberties did not last long in the former USSR following
Gorbachev’s fall from power. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though it’s
interesting that we do not call our own billionaires ‘oligarchs’ in the West ;
and especially in the United States where corporate lobbyists have unmatched
power.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Gorbachev
understood that the USSR could not compete militarily with the West while it
failed to compete economically. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the
80s military competition had accelerated and there was a widespread fear of
nuclear war which we have now forgotten. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Gorbachev agitated for peace at the same time
as Reagan pursued his ‘Star Wars’ plan, which aimed to make a nuclear war ‘winnable’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the
same time there was repression, Terror and mass murder closer to home, in countries
like Guatemala, Nicaragua and El Salvador.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>And yet the United States outpaced the East largely because of a
ruthless exploitation of its economic periphery. (eg: including Central and
South America) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In many ways Gorbachev
heralded the kind of reform democratic socialists had long been hoping for, legitimising
the USSR for many, but also helping to precipitate a collapse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In retrospect it would have been better if
the USSR had not collapsed. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But decades
of Stalinism meant there was little in the way of a mobilised and independent
civil society. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The consequence was that
when the collapse occurred there was little resistance. In light of all this it
would have been better if Gorbachev had mobilised civil society in defence of
democratic socialism from the outset.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Gorbachev’s passing reminds us of missed
opportunities, and begs the question of whether there was a better way forward.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Today there is war in Ukraine ; and the Russian
Government entertains ideas of an Imperial restoration. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Russia may find a place as an important
trading partner of China, but cannot really hope to restore ‘former glory’ when
opposed by almost the entirety of Europe ; and the US. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also the rupturing of Russia’s trade ties with
Europe is harming both sides immensely. Though Russia’s still-massive nuclear arsenal
deters uncontrolled escalation.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">In later years Gorbachev commonly referred
to himself as a Social Democrat ; and tried to establish <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Union_of_Social_Democrats#:~:text=Union%20of%20Social%20Democrats%20(USD,former%20Soviet%20leader%20Mikhail%20Gorbachev.">a
social-democratic party</a> in Russia. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the other hand, arguably the USSR was still
ahead of Western Social Democracy on many fronts prior to its collapse. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mainly in regard to the spread of socialised
industry.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Maybe Gorbachev was trying to
move with the times, and promote the best possible outcome available at the
time. Though his efforts to promote social democracy in the Russian Federation
largely met with failure. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In some ways
China demonstrates how in certain respects compromise with capitalism can help an ostensibly
socialist state to economically compete with the West. Though this could also
lead to a crisis of legitimacy and identity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Perhaps attempts to consolidate a
democratic USSR might have failed given the influence of various nationalisms,
but now we will never know. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the mid
to late 1980s Mikhail Gorbachev represented the best hope for peace, détente and
avoiding nuclear war. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With his passing
we should also consider the world that ‘might have been’ ; and mourn the
ultimate failure of Gorbachev’s reforms ; with capitalist restoration and the
rise of an Imperial Russian State.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-50059422445640202342022-06-05T21:01:00.002-07:002022-06-06T17:06:39.139-07:00Labor in Government provides Opportunities that Should not be Wasted<p> </p><p class="MsoNormal"><b></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiMUoXFu57zcyhQmmEmgJ1y7Fsa3qx7zstOQpEn0YfcmzjUum7cwZ_h2q38sMmUlWQmD6m_rJ_GnyMmwjhovY9DTrjSPT1i_83tvVWZlSBPXjOWoboasJxH7eZWgeEVZCswQVvtC3QoCml1zyioktBAFPipvC6uJYGiuSgi3_c72nwKc9fmfy_B1lc/s630/Albanese.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="419" data-original-width="630" height="341" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiMUoXFu57zcyhQmmEmgJ1y7Fsa3qx7zstOQpEn0YfcmzjUum7cwZ_h2q38sMmUlWQmD6m_rJ_GnyMmwjhovY9DTrjSPT1i_83tvVWZlSBPXjOWoboasJxH7eZWgeEVZCswQVvtC3QoCml1zyioktBAFPipvC6uJYGiuSgi3_c72nwKc9fmfy_B1lc/w513-h341/Albanese.jpg" width="513" /></a></b></div><b><br /><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /><br />In the
run-up to the Federal Election many progressives tried to justify Labor’s small
target strategy by arguing that Labor would get things done once in government.
But that too much detail beforehand would confuse and overwhelm people. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now the day has come. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor has enjoyed a strong victory. And it’s
time to deliver.</span></b><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">The Greens
have argued for Medicare Dental ; but Labor could make the policy its own while
winning broad and ongoing Greens support for the remainder of the term. The squeeze on the cost of Gas also demands subsidies
in favour of those on low incomes and welfare. While an increase in the supply of public
housing could improve housing affordability. Pressure on the NDIS should be lifted
with additional funding ; as should pressure on our hospitals. Waiting lists have exploded with Covid ; and
action is urgently required. Accessibility and affordability in Higher
Education should also be addressed with lower fees and an increase in repayment
schedules clearly above the average wage. Tied grants should be provided to the states
to fund an increase in teacher numbers ; while a National Curriculum should be
designed which promotes active, informed and critical citizenship. This
includes understanding of political processes and opportunities for public
sphere participation ; as well as sophisticated ideological literacy. Finally,
promises on Aged Care should be implemented. Albanese has promised an increase
in care personal attention hours for residents ; but to implement this we need
Aged Care Worker Ratios. Winning Government is not the end of the journey ; it
is only the beginning.</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">We also
need a sense of scale when talking about funding for reform.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is often a sense of panic and alarm
when talking about policies which go into the billions. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>How often
do we hear that ‘we cannot throw money at problems’ or that funding policies is
dismissed as a ‘cash splash’. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(and hence
‘irresponsible’) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But let’s be clear ;
the economy is valued at some $1.7 Trillion a year. That’s ONE THOUSAND AND
SEVEN HUNDRED BILLION.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Fear to pursue
truly ambitious policy leads to stagnation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And failure to commit money translates as a
failure to commit resources. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Viewed
thus, any public policy agenda will fail without sufficient resourcing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor needs to be thinking about what is
reasonable in terms of short to long term plans to expand the social wage and welfare
state, as well as other programs to provide infrastructure and skill development,
and to improve public broadcasting. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We
need to develop popular understanding of concepts such as ‘collective
consumption’ ; and how the social wage can provide better value for money for
workers, consumers, tax-payers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>$17 billion
is one per cent of GDP. And over several terms of Government it is a reasonable objective
to aim to broaden the social wage and welfare state by 5 per cent of GDP. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">This is
not an arbitrary figure, but an estimate of what is necessary for ambitious
reform.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Again, this could fund public
housing, education and health, aged care, welfare and unemployment insurance
reform, infrastructure (including renewable energy, rail transport and fiber to
the home National Broadband Netowork (NBN) ), and programs to secure guaranteed
job placement and experience for the disabled. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Disability Pensions should be reformed also,
to increase the scope to supplement income with part-time or casual work, and
to take away perverse incentives to avoid intimate relationships.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(eg: measures which radically reduce pension
payments to individuals in relationships and marriages) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Further
; local government should be supported so that suburbs who suffer from
undeveloped social infrastructure like parks and gardens, sporting and fitness
infrastructure, libraries and so on – are able to deliver better quality of
life to working class families. <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">Meanwhile
; over the long term there should be plans to resocialise energy and water.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And to reintroduce public-owned competitors
in markets like financial services and insurance: to counter collusion and
support consumers by providing competition from government business enterprises
on a not-for-profit footing.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">Finally,
the labour market demands structural reform to prevent the entrenchment of a
class of working poor Australians. This may have a once-off inflationary effect
; but redistribution one way or another is necessary to deliver wage justice. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need
to address the distribution of the economic pie between capital and labour ;
but also between labourers themselves as well. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Other innovative policies could include
financial support and financial counselling for people planning on developing
co-operative enterprise. (on either a large or small scale)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If increases in minimum wages will not eventuate
without direct intervention, then there should be direct intervention. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> This</span> should be
undertaken where the current framework of Fair Work Australia fails to deliver. Allowing secondary boycotts 'in good faith' could also enable the industrially strong to assist the 'industrially weak' in achieving better outcomes for historically low-paid workers.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 16pt; line-height: 115%;">It's not
good enough to put ambitious reforms off until a second term. Policies like Medicare
took years to become entrenched ; to the point where any effective frontal
assault against basic socialised medicine became impossible. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here, also, once-introduced and accepted as
part of the ‘socialised medicine landscape’, Medicare Dental would be very
difficult to dismantle. The establishment of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>a Labor Government provides the opportunity to introduce life-changing
reforms. It is an opportunity that should not be wasted.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-10683430566226252962022-05-11T18:44:00.000-07:002022-05-11T18:44:09.390-07:00Wage Justice can be Delivered While Also Containing Inflation<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYZP4JobqNQlCM2Jj8wDN8sIoyc_RxjGy9vcpUa05uZRiTHhcYa_juciIk9h_L0pK-N5ZxJ4FCOqVbAACxmUCd1dLWWRSyHHnE4g9dRZKr30VMGsUBs06qM7hp-8IlmTmrui_xt74m9bfR-0-CccCdcYnCtjKaDnFFgVwNZ7Ur7OcotFpdzLLplyg/s828/b175e89be0e05d23b775e0c420613e36651358d5-16x9-x769y137w2871h1615.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="466" data-original-width="828" height="230" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYZP4JobqNQlCM2Jj8wDN8sIoyc_RxjGy9vcpUa05uZRiTHhcYa_juciIk9h_L0pK-N5ZxJ4FCOqVbAACxmUCd1dLWWRSyHHnE4g9dRZKr30VMGsUBs06qM7hp-8IlmTmrui_xt74m9bfR-0-CccCdcYnCtjKaDnFFgVwNZ7Ur7OcotFpdzLLplyg/w409-h230/b175e89be0e05d23b775e0c420613e36651358d5-16x9-x769y137w2871h1615.jpg" width="409" /></a></div><br /><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b>above: Anthony Albanese wants Wages to at least Keep Pace with Inflation<o:p></o:p></b></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b><br /></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Dr Tristan
Ewins<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Anthony Albanese
stands besieged for suggesting a minimum wage increase which keeps pace with
inflation. Specifically, that is 5.1% This would raise full time wages <a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/federal/employers-warn-labor-s-5pc-pay-rise-will-crush-business-20220510-p5ak66">by
just $39.40 a week</a> – less than a dollar an hour. Businesses are claiming such a move would
drive them to the wall and fuel inflation.
But since the 1970s <a href="https://www.futurework.org.au/infographic_the_shrinking_labour_share_of_gdp_and_average_wages#:~:text=This%20infographic%20summarises%20the%20bottom,for%2047.1%25%20of%20total%20GDP.">labour’s
share of the economy</a> has fallen by over 10 per cent, from 58.4 per cent to
47.1 per cent: or $16,800 a year for the average worker. Especially ; why is it that the Conservatives
believe it is the job of the country’s lowest paid to pay the price for
inflation when many businesses are experiencing spiralling profits? If wages cannot even keep pace with inflation,
at what point can the structural inequities in the country’s labour market be
addressed?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">It is
true that higher wages may have some impact on inflation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are areas where increased costs will at
least in part be passed on to consumers. But this is a false economy based on
the exploitation of the poorest workers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It suggests a policy of drifting towards a US style labour market where
there is a large class of working poor who can barely keep their heads above
water.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Fear of falling into the working
poor disciplines the so-called ‘middle class’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>And threat of homelessness and destitution disciplines the working poor
themselves. This is the trajectory the Conservatives would take us down.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">But
arguably in the name of fairness there must be a ‘structural correction’ for low-paid
workers at some time or another. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This may
have a small, temporary impact on inflation ; but it is necessary if the most
exploited are to survive in dignity and make ends meet. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The prosperity of high and middle income
earners cannot be based upon the exploitation of a class of working poor.<br />
<br />
Also there are other ways of dealing with inflation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Raising taxation (for those who can afford it) could take the heat out of
the economy without depending on the working poor to pay the price. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is a better, fairer way of dealing with
inflation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But some inflation is
inevitable on account of international factors ; and we should share the burden
of dealing with this across society and economy.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">At the
end of the day an even larger correction is justified. That is: to restore
labour’s share of the economy, and the grow the social wage and welfare state
to support all Australians. This is necessary as some problems are best faced collectively ; and also the labour market will never deliver full distributive justice to all workers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> A</span>ll workers deserve
support ; including those who find it hard to organise ; or who face structural
constraints to wage increases. Because of the way the Australian economy is now
structured all this is no easy task.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
process could begin with claims for collective capital share in lieu of greatly
increased wage levels.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is a process
that could be led by unions ; who could target areas that are not overly
susceptible to capital flight. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also low-paid
workers could be assisted by a recission of secondary boycott bans where
secondary boycotts are taken by well-organised workers in support of workers
with little bargaining power ; and where such action can be shown to be being
taken in good faith.<br />
<br />
Albanese has promised action on wages. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But even committing to matching inflation does
not compensate for falling wages over the course of the last decade and more. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though Labor’s <a href="https://www.theadviser.com.au/borrower/42859-labor-pitches-new-housing-policy-pledges-40-equity-purchase">housing
policy</a> – which involves the government taking up to 40 per cent equity in
families’ houses – will put home ownership within reach for many who may
otherwise have felt the situation hopeless. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As
interest rates increase the price of properties will probably fall – a ‘double
edged sword’ that – while perhaps necessary – will leave many Australians looking
poorer on paper.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">One area
where Albanese has been unequivocal has been his support for a 25 per cent rise
in the wages of Aged Care workers. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
is one of many areas requiring a ‘structural correction’ ; both to deliver wage
justice ; and also to improve care, and retain workers in the industry.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Given the taxing and skilled nature of the
work there should be a minimum wage of at least $30/hour here. This is more
than the existing claim.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In the
final analysis the economy makes so much wealth ; and the question is one of distribution,
as well as higher productivity ; and industry policy encouraging high wage
industries. Increasing the size of the cake is good – but does not solve all
problems. At some point we need to confront the question of who gets what share
of the cake ; and this will require redistribution. Sometimes it’s possible to
have ‘win-win’ – but not always. We
cannot become a US style economy where workers are disciplined by fear of destitution
; and where the living standards of a so-called ‘middle-class’ depend on the
exploitation of the working poor.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-72629782420152629802022-03-30T14:36:00.016-07:002022-03-30T17:53:05.075-07:00Short term relief in Budget ; but No Long Term Plan<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhiMH6JtLlxLSQCScWKdxknbwkmh7P_F08KZYdFxFCmK6quW01mDUY9H-PEyrgxPh94FxbY7tILpxLDHboNuMLrpT-N5Asg7EkNnohFqd9-obFNDdVeOv-GOIqPH7Ouy0cdbm7aCHo3_TRQGvJ7uFDDVdWFD72QBgC1hi5txDQpPkODwisJK0iz0fY/s947/shutterstock_269563535_1.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="667" data-original-width="947" height="289" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhiMH6JtLlxLSQCScWKdxknbwkmh7P_F08KZYdFxFCmK6quW01mDUY9H-PEyrgxPh94FxbY7tILpxLDHboNuMLrpT-N5Asg7EkNnohFqd9-obFNDdVeOv-GOIqPH7Ouy0cdbm7aCHo3_TRQGvJ7uFDDVdWFD72QBgC1hi5txDQpPkODwisJK0iz0fY/w411-h289/shutterstock_269563535_1.jpg" width="411" /></a></div><br /><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Dr Tristan Ewins</b><br />
<br />
If Labor delivered a Budget like we’re seeing portrayed from the Coalition Government in
Australia the media would proclaim they were ‘irresponsibly’ ‘spending like
drunken sailors’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But when the
Conservatives are trying to revive their electoral fortunes the Melbourne Herald-Sun
proclaimed “Hip Pocket Rocket” and “Millions Win”. In fact this is a Budget that effectively increases tax over the medium and long term, however. And much of the much-mooted 'generosity' is illusory. More on that later. <br /><br />Fuel Excise will be cut with
an anticipated 22c per litre drop in petrol prices.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also interestingly the Government points to
low unemployment ; which is largely because of stimulus created by Jobkeeper –
albeit badly targeted stimulus. Does this mean they’ll admit they’re wrong on
contractionary Budgets more broadly?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Probably not.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Wage subsidies, tax
offsets and cash payments figure significantly (for instance a<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>once-off $250 payment for pensioners) ; but
over the longer term this will not properly compensate stagnating wages ; and
depressed pension and Jobseeker payments.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Indexation of pensions will continue, but this is merely ‘treading
water’. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By default pensions increase as a proportion
of average wages ; which means if inflation continues to grow it may continue to
outstrip pension indexation.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Frydenberg believes low unemployment will drive wages.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is possible because there is reduced
supply relative to demand. But there are no guarantees: without strong labour
organisation and leadership form Fair Work Australia stagnation could well
continue.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And wage growth will probably
not keep pace with inflation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In any
case the Coalition are luke-warm on wages ; and are just trying to weaken Labor’s
narrative. There will also be a $10 billion investment in the Australian
Signals Directorate over 10 years ; but there is little in the way of new
initiatives in Aged Care, Education or child care for instance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(except for some subsidies for initial study
in aged care)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Previously announced
improvements to Aged Care funding will continue ; but this is but a fraction of
what was demanded by the Royal Commission.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Segoe UI Historic",sans-serif" style="background: white; color: #050505; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%;">The
Conservatives have had their chance to respond to the Aged Care Royal
Commission and are doing not nearly enough. We need to know that Labor will
commit the necessary resources to implement quotas - which means more time on
washing and dressing, more individual attention with feeding, and more time to
interact and get to know residents; Also Labor needs to put a registered nurse
in every home 24/7 ; improve wages and conditions for all workers (min
$30/hour) ; and implement quality of life and happiness benchmarks that go
beyond the basics to deliver happiness and quality of life as much as possible.
All residents also need access to pleasant surrounds such as gardens ; and more
to do than be sat in front of a television in a common room all day. Also
prompt at home care for all who have the need and meet requirements with
minimal waiting time. And phase out the user pays model by providing for high
quality public, and subsidised not-for-profit and community based care. This
will require several billions in new funding.</span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In the Budget there will be over $350 million in subsidies
for apprentices and employers will be rewarded with $120 for every $100 spent
training their workforce ; and other incentives for investment in technology. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Encouragingly Pensioners will gain on the medicine front ;
with the number of scripts necessary before the ‘safety net’ kicks in reduced by
twelve. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While a relatively small measure
this is perhaps the most progressive announcement made by the government here.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Over $800 million will address “telecommunications
blackspots”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>; while there will be a $480
public investment in NBN speed and reliability.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> This is necessary because the NBN was never done properly by the Conservatives in the first place. </span>$600 million will support growth in agriculture ; while $3.7 billion
will fund faster regional rail.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Subsidies will also support regional manufacturing ; including the
development of export markets. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Schemes will continue which enable 50,000 first home buyers
to enter the market with a 5 per cent deposit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But there is little for public, social or affordable housing – which
could be crucial in any attempt to make housing more affordable by increasing
affordable supply.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The government’s
policies do not address the fact that increasing interest rates could provide a
massive shock to personal and household budgets, sending mortgage repayments
skyrocketing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This could lead to another
financial crisis and recession.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Importantly many of the cash payments benefiting low and
middle income Australians will be a short term splurge ; designed to win an election.
Improvements for low income earners and pensions will not be sustained over the
long term. Indeed while it will be increased for its final year, the Low and Middle Income Earner Tax Offset will be phased out in the following year and onwards; hitting low and middle income earners hard over the longer term. Long after the short term handouts fade into memory this <a href="https://www.ato.gov.au/Individuals/Income-and-deductions/Offsets-and-rebates/Low-and-middle-income-earner-tax-offsets/" target="_blank">could cost</a> low income earners $700 a year. Somehow most of the mainstream media didn't see fit to mention this. So in fact this is a 'smoke and mirrors' Budget that tries to convince us of its generosity while hitting us hard into the future. It is no accident that low and middle income earners will be hit, while tax cuts for the wealthy will be pushed through. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Overall this Budget provides a boost over the short term,
but does little to address cost of living over the longer term ; and leaves
wages ‘to the market’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Structural
improvements are necessary for Jobseeker and Pensions. And the tax system needs
to be adjusted to benefit low and middle income earners relative to high income
earners and the wealthy more generally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Means tests could be eased, also, to make it more attractive for
Disability Pensioners to enter the workforce ; and more could be done to help
those people gain experience to ameliorate gaps in resumes.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Again, the Budget delivers some relief over the short term
but does little long term about poverty, wages stagnation, and cost of living
pressures.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor needs to do much better
on Aged Care, Public and Social Housing, progressive tax system restructure,
structural increases to pensions, and initiatives to get disabled Australians
into fulfilling work –<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>with an easing of
means tests for fairness. Medicare Dental could also feature ; and Labor could
begin the process of winding back user pays in education by reducing student
debts and significantly increasing debt repayment thresholds.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Victoria is also significantly short-changed
on infrastructure ; and the government will have to find money from elsewhere
to pay for transport infrastructure, especially roads.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some problems never seem to go away ; such as
state school class sizes and over-worked teachers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But this seems to have ‘slipped off the
radar’ in recent years.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Labor needs a long term plan ; with immediate reforms that
are ‘locked in’ and hard to reverse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This Budget will convince some ; but over the longer term so many
questions remain unanswered.<o:p></o:p></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-34442572592091551562022-01-30T20:13:00.004-08:002022-01-30T20:29:29.371-08:00Albanese needs to ‘Step up to the Plate’ and not avoid debate on Aged Care, Health and Welfare Reform<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh-wWZEEjTQ9Pjed93ioSVMBK8gnI1SxaRqBX3ExhgPxZlLi-XaWFcTR61wWpaqEgXr7efa3uoYD9fH-gjJ2vFyD_duJ-1BxXImtWUgbxkS5goDh22KVibm6_w-FKFqgBAptfeLnLL74eeQMFk3KztZwRQKvDDYWiMGgUeSRJxyNxkmJcw7UkQ0IM8=s1155" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1155" data-original-width="885" height="379" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh-wWZEEjTQ9Pjed93ioSVMBK8gnI1SxaRqBX3ExhgPxZlLi-XaWFcTR61wWpaqEgXr7efa3uoYD9fH-gjJ2vFyD_duJ-1BxXImtWUgbxkS5goDh22KVibm6_w-FKFqgBAptfeLnLL74eeQMFk3KztZwRQKvDDYWiMGgUeSRJxyNxkmJcw7UkQ0IM8=w290-h379" width="290" /></a></div><br /><p class="MsoNormal"><br />
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: arial;">Dr Tristan Ewins</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;"><br /><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Labor Opposition Leader Anthony Albanese has come under fire
from the Conservative Coalition Government for suggesting on the ABC’s ‘Insiders’
program that extra funding may be made available for Aged Care, Health, and
perhaps welfare reform. This in a context where billions of subsidies have been
provided to businesses due to Covid, and yet many businesses who managed to
remain profitable regardless of Covid have simply kept these subsidies provided
for them in the form of pure profit.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>While the Federal Government ruthlessly pursues welfare recipients over
any debts incurred (and even some that have turned out to be unreal), corporations
enjoy public money without accountability.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The simple fact is that public spending commitments in
social services and infrastructure are not necessarily ‘irresponsible’ or ‘wasteful’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Often Government needs to invest in the
health and happiness of the people to ensure the best outcomes. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What needs to be understood is that social
spending is a form of ‘collective consumption’ where we gain a better deal in
areas like health by purchasing crucial services more efficiently and collectively
as taxpayers, rather than being isolated and fleeced as private consumers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Medicare and the Pharmaceutical Benefits
Scheme are important examples of collective consumption. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Albanese has spoken of the “<a href="https://anthonyalbanese.com.au/media-centre/anthony-albanese-opinion-piece-pms-aged-care-disgrace-wednesday-3-march-2021">habitual
buck passing</a>” of the Morrison Government on Aged Care.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Failure to attract new workers into the field
with fair wages and conditions, and respect for workers ; and failure to ensure
necessary staffing levels including the presence of Registered Nurses – remain sore
points even after the Conservatives’ response to the Aged Care Royal
Commission. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The training, wages and
conditions of Personal Care workers who help many elderly remain in the
community are also in need of further funding ; and packages must be available
to all with the need upon demand ; and without cruel waiting queues.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">The reality also is that Aged Care reform needs to go beyond
the bare essentials to address broader quality of life issues ; so that in the
future Aged Australians with have access to social engagement ; and where those
in residential care will enjoy privacy, access to information technology,
access to gardens and pleasant surrounds.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>They must not just be locked in their rooms or sat down in front of TVs
in common rooms all day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Our vulnerable
elderly need social engagement. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Everything from discussing their lives to
enjoying games, listening to music, or discussing the issues of the day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dementia training is also essential to ensure
the best quality of life to those affected ; and those around them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Quality of food also needs to be monitored
closely ; and without meeting staff quota targets, Aged Care workers will
remain rushed in the business of helping to dress and shower residents daily ; or
may not be able to respond in a timely manner to situations such as where
sheets are soiled. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The consequences of
under-resourcing have been trauma and suffering for vulnerable aged
Australians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Yes this will cost billions on top of those limited
initiatives already announced.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But most
of us will grow elderly and frail one day ; and even if ourselves we do not experience
this, surely we will have family who are affected by a neglected Aged Care
sector.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rather than backing down, Albanese
needs to ‘step up to the plate’ and confidently put the case for progressive
collective consumption of Aged Care ; and a much better deal for both ‘consumers’
and for workers in the broader Health sector.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">There will also be a significant backlog in waiting lists
for supposedly ‘elective’ hospital procedures thanks to the pressure Covid has
placed the health system under. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This was
already a crisis ; but has been significantly magnified with Covid.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Medicare needs to be extended into dental,
optical and prosthetics ; but the broader health system needs to be expanded to
ensure timely care, breadth of coverage and quality of care.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">Australian of the Year, tennis star Dylan Alcott has also
highlighted the <a href="https://coact.org.au/remove-the-barrier-dylan-alcott/?utm_source=google&utm_medium=cpc&utm_campaign=%7butm_campaign%7d&gclid=Cj0KCQiAi9mPBhCJARIsAHchl1wgx-fHV608SvpaDdJwl2zHkoul8MZiXgeN5knB0RcGrD3fhFO2VOEaAgTDEALw_wcB">high
unemployment levels</a> (over 50 per cent) for disabled Australians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The focus here was mainly on those with
physical disability ; but exclusion from the labour market also applies to those
with psycho-social disabilities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Exclusion is a vicious circle which needs to be broken. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sometimes it goes on for years. Often it is
permanent. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Government needs to intervene
directly to provide opportunity for all ; and employment needs to be made more
viable by lessening means tests for Pensioners in the workforce.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also there need to be viable career paths,
and not merely ‘dead end jobs’.<br />
<br />
Importantly, Labor needs to pitch to ‘average’ workers as well. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor needs to pitch to the majority to enjoy electoral success ; and provision for equity groups alone will not win government. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Delivering wage gains and improving the
bargaining position of average workers in the labour market is important
here.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As is a restructuring of the
broader tax system: delivering distributive justice outcomes not only for the
most vulnerable, but also the majority of workers. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Further ; improvement of the Aged Pension could
act as a ‘bridge’ which enhances the case for reform of other pensions. Labor
needs to build a ‘bloc’ based on solidarity and mutual recognition rather than
allowing the Coalition to ‘Divide and Rule’ – which so often has been the case.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: arial;">So come on Albo, ‘step up to the plate’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A ‘small target’ can take us so far ; but as
the campaign progresses voters will want a clearer sense of what Labor is going
to do.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor will need to have answers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And it must not ‘back itself into a corner’
where it cannot deliver significantly to its constituents. Early signs suggest some hope.</span><o:p></o:p></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-80151737180377792982021-10-21T15:55:00.002-07:002021-10-21T15:55:20.513-07:00Rejecting the Cashless Welfare Card a Good Start for Labor ; but further cultural change necessary<p> </p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCx8wZX_1GQLvjDU_R4sA8dZnE5hdgZummdcmiyK-tF-b_aPAT1Tk3jAFIDHC1YmE-HRA6GrEZOuesr3NdfPBzlLLojWCtoNGBEE4Nxi6tvhBO2vtk5tyeLj-Rkqg924Y1S386e2eiJRs/s2048/CS5279455052_29e323f771_o.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1202" data-original-width="2048" height="188" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgCx8wZX_1GQLvjDU_R4sA8dZnE5hdgZummdcmiyK-tF-b_aPAT1Tk3jAFIDHC1YmE-HRA6GrEZOuesr3NdfPBzlLLojWCtoNGBEE4Nxi6tvhBO2vtk5tyeLj-Rkqg924Y1S386e2eiJRs/s320/CS5279455052_29e323f771_o.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><b> above: Class Struggle has Always been Essential to Social Progress</b><p></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;">Dr Tristan Ewins<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;">It is now approaching a decade since Andrew ‘Twiggy’ Forrest was approached by then Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, to advise on the creation of a ‘cashless welfare card’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While Forrest intended for all income to be ‘quarantined’ for use only in approved areas (like groceries), the Indue card which has emerged in trials set a floor of 80% of income to be with-held, and available for ‘approved purposes’. Aimed largely at indigenous peoples, and the welfare-dependent more broadly, the ‘Indue’ card follows after the failed ‘Basics card’ of 2007 - which attempted something similar as part of a government ‘Intervention’ into indigenous communities in the Northern Territory.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The newer ‘Indue’ cashless welfare card applies to the welfare-dependent more generally in the communities in which it is being trialled. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All those affected find themselves in the position of being restricted in what they can spend their money on, including on food and second hand goods. While a relatively small proportion are affected by gambling addiction or alcoholism, the ‘card’ is a source of humiliation and control over the welfare-dependent more generally.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indue, which includes Conservative Coalition party luminaries as shareholders, stands to make a packet from the humiliation and micro-management of the every-day life of already-disadvantaged Australians.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;">Instead of humiliating marginalised Australians government ought instead be seeking to empower them, perhaps including through the mechanism of a Guaranteed Minimum Income (GMI).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arguments against a GMI include the suggestion it may displace some existing pensions. (some of which are less threadbare than others)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But if a ‘no disadvantage’ test were applied this need not be a problem.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Mutual obligation’ provisions have always been worrisome; as in practice they became a source of effective labour conscription.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This might also increase competition for jobs at the ‘lower end’ of the labour market ; and in the process reduce the bargaining power of those workers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br /><br />A good alternative could be the establishment of a ‘Social Bill of Rights’ ; which would include rights to nutrition, adequate and dignified shelter, power, comprehensive health care, communications-related empowerment (eg: internet access), transport, education and social inclusion. A ‘Guaranteed Minimum Income’ could then be deployed alongside pensions and other programs intended to make this vision reality.<br /><br />In the 18<sup>th</sup> and 19<sup>th</sup> Centuries the unemployed were driven into ‘Poor Houses’ where they were exploited, humiliated and robbed of their dignity. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is a long history of ‘blaming the poor’ for their own disadvantage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Centuries later some of the same assumptions remain in play beneath the surface.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor is arguing it will end the long Conservative experiment with the ‘cashless welfare card’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Coalition has so far not mustered the political courage (or political capital) to implement the program more broadly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But as with ‘WorkChoices’ ; the old agendas continue to ‘fester’ behind the scenes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The debate needs to be brought into the glare of public scrutiny and buried decisively.<br /><br />Labor’s opposition to the Indue card is welcome.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Labor needs a broader, stronger vision, including reform of welfare, minimum wages and labour market regulation, industrial rights, and embedded social human rights.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Its retreat on the tax debate has regrettably narrowed its options.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But a program for change could re-emerge through a determined reform of the social wage and welfare state ; which branched in various directions – including a Universal Aged Care Insurance Scheme, as well as improvement of pensions, with rescission of punitive mechanisms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And a bold commitment to build a million new public housing units – as suggested by the Greens.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor really ought to be coming up with these kind of ideas on its own initiative.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;">There is a minimum standard of living which must apply to all citizens.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This idea of a ‘floor’ beneath which none are allowed to fall is reminiscent of the more progressive variations of the ‘Third Way’ which emerged in the 1990s.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But to mobilise as broad a base as possible, and provide distributive justice for all a more robust Social Democratic or Democratic Socialist agenda than Blairism is necessary.<br /><br />It seems Social Democratic Parties have been on the defensive and on the back foot for decades. And indeed they have been.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For some the logic of retreat has been internalised.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need to re-establish a notion of what comprises ‘progress’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That means fairer distribution, industrial rights,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>social rights, and the re-establishment of a robust mixed economy to help make this vision reality.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Indue ‘cashless welfare card’ is the current ‘Conservative frontier’ ; where it attempts to reshape public ‘common sense’ on the further rescission of the welfare state, and the re-establishment of a ‘Poor House’ mentality ; which ‘gives the whip hand’ to employers through poverty, compulsion and labour conscription.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;">Labor needs to go back to ‘first principles’ and work out the consequences of that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Which is that being a ‘broad church’, Labor needs to be united behind ‘baseline’ social democratic and democratic socialist values and agendas.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Containing inequality and ending poverty ought be non-negotiable ; as should the proposal that this must be pursued through industrial rights, labour market regulation, a mixed economy, progressive taxation system, expanded social wages and welfare state provisions, and intervention into the capitalist system. (ultimately to end exploitation ; but also to ameliorate the impact of its crises upon workers and the vulnerable in the meantime)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;">The cashless welfare card needs to be defeated and exposed for the punitive mentality it embodies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But we need a progressive movement which is willing to ‘go onto the front foot as well’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A movement which has an idea what ‘progress’ entails, and which rejects a logic of endless retreat ; ameliorated only by the ascendance of ‘social liberal’ agendas as applied to gender, sexuality, and so on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And in the context of the marginalisation of social conservatism, and its replacement by an ideology of neo-liberal cosmopolitanism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br /><br />A ‘change of direction’ involves accepting class struggle as a progressive phenomenon ; an ‘engine of social progress’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Only when that logic becomes entrenched does progress become undeniable. And while Hawke’s vision of “Reconciliation” appealed to many ; bosses soon became tired of ‘co-determination’ with unions once they had extracted crucial concessions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And once organised labour lost its bargaining position.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 21.4667px;">‘Reformists’ and Revolutionaries were once agreed on the progressive nature of class struggle.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Within Labor factions and amongst others we need, also, to combine behind such a shared notion. Bringing together Labor members behind the idea of a progressive class struggle is crucial ; an idea that we are all broadly in the same fight.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Reinforced by daily experience everywhere from Party branches to unions, and from student politics to the social movements.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is a fight for the heart and soul of the ALP, and the heart and soul of Australia. There is no place for a punitive cashless welfare card in a progressive Australia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>May solidarity in the name of renewed class struggle relegate it to history.</span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-83521146846221459132021-08-08T18:58:00.004-07:002021-08-08T20:49:13.279-07:00Labor Retreats on the Principle of Progressive Taxation<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkVMc06U9GoQoV0sae4tD_Ikd3yHe3cj8jt59gWQJOzM4-DpayTtoUeqiyjfQ7nV9UWJfsbV0rIo9idb56lNDqN7Tx_dpi7_IrLGcTb8_lKeOS7Yg6xTsJrfMZ7WsyVyGmNHKe9hVigos/s668/TAX.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="324" data-original-width="668" height="191" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkVMc06U9GoQoV0sae4tD_Ikd3yHe3cj8jt59gWQJOzM4-DpayTtoUeqiyjfQ7nV9UWJfsbV0rIo9idb56lNDqN7Tx_dpi7_IrLGcTb8_lKeOS7Yg6xTsJrfMZ7WsyVyGmNHKe9hVigos/w394-h191/TAX.jpg" width="394" /></a></div><br /> <p></p><p><b>Dr Tristan Ewins</b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Last month Anthony Albanese announced that not only
was Labor backing away from contentious reform of Negative Gearing and Capital
Gains tax ; it was also prepared to back income tax cuts for the wealthy ; such
that Australia will drift towards a flat and regressive tax regime with Labor’s
implicit consent. As </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/business/commentisfree/2021/aug/01/labors-tax-cuts-support-is-bad-policy-but-the-buffett-rule-could-make-it-better"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Greg
Jericho writes</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;"> for ‘The Guardian’, Labor is supporting
the entrenchment of a tax regime which will see those on below-median and below
average wages effectively paying the same rates of tax as income earners
between $120,000 and $200,000. </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: #0a1633; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Rob Harris – writing
for the Sydney Morning Herald – explains that these tax ‘reforms’ will cost the
Budget “an estimated $137 billion” over their first six years. Specifically, </span><a href="https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/labor-dumps-negative-gearing-backs-tax-cuts-20210726-p58cxs.html"><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">the 37 per cent tax rate will be abolished</span></a><span style="background: white; color: #0a1633; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;"> and a 30 per cent rate will apply to all
income between $45,000 and $200,000.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This will occur at a time where ordinary Australian workers will need to
service the massive debt induced because of Covid wage subsidies and other
subsidies for business.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Those subsidies
were (and at the time of writing still are) necessary ; but the debt should not
be serviced in a regressive fashion which affects those least able to pay. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And because those on lower incomes spend a
greater proportion of their incomes, policies which impact negatively upon them
will be ‘bad for the economy’ as well.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Yes, there is a very small minority of wage labourers
and others earning over<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>$100,000 a year.
Maybe ten per cent. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But because of their
relative privilege parts of this ‘labour aristocracy’ can be inclined to
support economically-Liberal distributive taxation policies which minimise
redistribution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The vast majority of wage labourers and
vulnerable Australians will not benefit from this policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact, the scope will be also reduced for
improvement of social security and the social wage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor will be restricted in its capacity to
deliver reform of Social Security, Medicare, the NDIS, public and social
housing, Aged Care. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the field of social security, easing means
testing of recipients with partners could also remove a perverse incentive for
disabled Australians to shun relationships because ‘they cannot afford not to
be alone’. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Reform of the Jobseeker
Allowance (previously ‘Newstart’) is also long overdue and widely accepted.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">With Aged Care, Labor is committed to staff ratios ;
but to provide this without regressive user pays mechanisms the funding needs
to come from somewhere else.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Either
reform will be funded progressively or regressively ; or otherwise (even after
the Aged Care Royal Commission) it will not happen at all. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After the Royal Commission findings ; which
identified gross structural neglect of Aged Australians receiving care ; this
would be a damning indictment of the major political parties in Australia who
failed to mobilise public opinion around reform even after the shortcomings of
the system were laid bare for all to see.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>It is not too late to embrace a progressively structured ‘National Aged
Care Insurance Levy’ to fund reform of Aged Care in this country.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">True, Labor is also intending to reform labour market
regulation ; but that in itself will not make up for the distributive
consequences of this policy. It will be a case of ‘one step forwards, two steps
back’ for Labor where nothing can make up for capitulation on the principles of
progressive taxation and redistribution in the most basic sense.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nonetheless if reform of labour market regulation
is strong enough it could still make a difference. Specifically minimum wage
rates need to increase significantly ; as well as Award rates for struggling
workers – many of whom work in feminised professions such as Aged Care.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Teachers – many of whom also already work
unacceptable levels of unpaid overtime – could also do with improved wages and
conditions ; and this is essential to attract and maintain the most capable
practitioners in the system.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Talk of ‘aspiration’ clouds the fact that Labor’s new
tax policy will favour the top ten per cent at the expense of everyone
else.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There was a time when radicals
would have seen talk of ‘aspiration’ as a kind of ‘false consciousness’. But
today Labor is so afraid of the ‘class warfare’ label that it shuns policies
that impact even modestly on the top 10 per cent and in favour of everyone
else.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yet ‘flat taxation’ itself is in
fact a kind of ‘class warfare’ against the vast majority of working people.<br />
<br />
The fact is that in the last election Labor had strong but reasonable tax
policies ; but failed to sell and explain those measures at crucial
conjunctures. Chris Bowen said those who didn’t like Labor’s tax policies
shouldn’t vote Labor. And when many voters failed to grasp Labor’s policies
that is exactly what they did.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Furthermore, in the final days of the election campaign – with Bob
Hawke’s death – Bill Shorten came across as flat, unconvincing and unemotional.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Despite his commendable work on the NDIS
; and the credit for embracing progressive tax policies in the first place –
this fact remains.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%;">Conclusions to the effect ‘it is impossible to sell
tax reform’ neglect the fact that Labor failed tactically in mobilising public
opinion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some Labor figures are reacting
defensively to criticisms from the Greens to the effect that Labor is
supporting a drift towards flat taxation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But while the Greens can afford to be more radical because they depend
on a narrower electoral base, that does not change the fact that Labor is
capitulating on the most basic social democratic principles. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It does not change the fact that we are
failing to sell policies that are objectively in the interests of the majority
of Australians.<br />
<br />
Again: where a bipartisan consensus on radically-regressive tax restructure is
conceded, even where Labor does win with such a Platform it is probably a case
of ‘one step forward, two steps back’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Progressives have to actually deliver progress if they are to be seen as
credible. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the moment the best hope is a National Aged Care Insurance Levy, and strong labour market reform.
Here’s hoping Labor ‘finds its way’ between now and the election.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com3tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-53475416762245300312021-07-17T18:10:00.003-07:002021-07-17T18:13:54.192-07:00Disability Pensions in Australia: Where entering into a Relationship can be a Poverty Sentence<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_oG4Fb6h6L8hor4ntSnW2tc2sfR9szHvPHKMyWOSAxKsRnbY6lpWc6Nx37yyBkc7MERi-yWXF2o_MqtbdNfTg3UeEp4wMEblL6OAEw7s0eeWrGEzBLND4l1Y4Fz6CrOxEFQID9BARepU/s900/PENSIONS216189590_3425010907734875_5234889187766839732_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="font-size: 16pt; font-weight: bold; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><img border="0" data-original-height="900" data-original-width="720" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh_oG4Fb6h6L8hor4ntSnW2tc2sfR9szHvPHKMyWOSAxKsRnbY6lpWc6Nx37yyBkc7MERi-yWXF2o_MqtbdNfTg3UeEp4wMEblL6OAEw7s0eeWrGEzBLND4l1Y4Fz6CrOxEFQID9BARepU/s320/PENSIONS216189590_3425010907734875_5234889187766839732_n.jpg" /></a><b><span style="font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></b></div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Dr Tristan Ewins<o:p></o:p></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">It is generally quite difficult to obtain a Disability Support
Pension in Australia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are job
capacity and impairment tests ; and many who are significantly impaired miss
out.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But there is another problem that
has been neglected in most debate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Pensioners generally are assessed differently if they have a
partner.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The consequence of this is that
there is a perverse incentive for pensioners not to enter into a relationship
or marry. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With the Disability support
pension there can be a loss of income of around $200 a fortnight as a
consequence of entering a relationship or getting married.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If the partner has a high income that is one
thing, but many such couples could both be on low incomes or welfare.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also: even if a person’s partner has a higher
income, there is a problem with reinforcing dependence: with inhibiting the
independence of Disability and other Pensioners.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When combined with other government measures:
such as running a trial of the Indue Cashless Debit Card, or attempting to claw
back money from the National Disability Insurance Scheme, it is clear we have a
government which is trying to implement austerity aimed at the most vulnerable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The bottom line is that these arrangements condemn hundreds
of thousands of disabled Australians to probable isolation and loneliness ;
where they must fear the financial consequences of having relationships.<br />
<br />
At the same time, Medicare is under attack.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><a href="https://www.goldcentralvictoria.com.au/news/local-news/113372-mp-chesters-attacks-changes-to-medicare"><span style="color: windowtext;">Labor MP in Bendigo, Victoria, Lisa Chesters</span></a>
has observed how recent cuts to Medicare will “<span style="font-family: "Lato",sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%;">radically alter the cost of
hundreds of orthopaedic, cardiac and general surgery items. “<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As Chesters explained: “Patients now face the
prospect of life-changing surgeries being cancelled at the last minute or being
landed with huge bills they didn’t expect. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And yet these matters have received very
little attention in the mainstream media.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Lato",sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%;">We need a Labor Opposition which defends Medicare and the
National Disability Insurance Scheme. (NDIS)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But we also need a Labor
opposition which goes beyond the strictly defensive ; and comes up with innovative
and ground-breaking measures to extend the social wage and welfare state ;
along with legislated wage increases for those on low incomes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Lato",sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%;">This would inevitably involve tax reform. Ideally Labor
should be aiming to reform progressive tax to the tune of 5% of GDP over 10
years, or at least three terms of Federal Government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This would bring us closer to OECD average
levels of tax and social expenditure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rolling
back unfair means testing of pensions – including Disability Pensions - would
empower hundreds of thousands of women and men with greater independence ; and
if we are concerned about equity we need to reform tax in other areas for
people with higher incomes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It would
also empower those people to enter into relationships without fear of destitution.
Eligibility tests should also be relaxed so those incapable of full time work
are not threatened with exclusion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Lato, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">The ‘LIFE’ (Living Incomes for Everyone) campaign </span></span><a href="https://www.livingincomes.org.au/" style="font-family: Lato, sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt;"><span style="color: windowtext;">is
demanding</span></a><span style="font-family: Lato, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> a minimum $550 a week for all. </span></span><span style="font-family: Lato, sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt;"> </span><span style="font-family: Lato, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;">This would mean a great deal for job-seekers
living in poverty, especially if combined with other measures like investment
in public housing. Effectively it would mean a </span><span style="font-size: 14px;">guaranteed</span><span style="font-size: 10.5pt;"> minimum income. (GMI) Disability
pensions specifically should increase further - by at least $150/fortnight in any case –
rising to about $1100/fortnight.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Lato",sans-serif; font-size: 10.5pt; line-height: 115%;">No-one should be in the position of having to say they ‘cannot
afford to enter into a relationship’. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The NDIS, despite its faults, was a big step
forward for disabled Australians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Instead of panicking over the cost we need to accept that providing
services for these people meets what is perhaps the most defensible socialist principle:
that each should contribute what they can, and receive what they need.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This principle needs to become a society-wide
‘common sense’ so that they are accepted even by many Conservatives ; as for
instance occurred with the issue of Marriage Equality for those in the Queer
communities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But ironically there is no
real ‘marriage equality’ for all if some need fear being thrown into poverty should
they enter a relationship.<br />
<br />
Progressives need to agitate to make this a real issue in the upcoming Federal
Election.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The advocacy of Julia Gillard
and Bill Shorten was crucial for the initial implementation of the NDIS.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The NDIS is not perfect, but is a vast improvement
on the vacuum that existed beforehand.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Now we need additional policy champions within the ALP agitating to take
the reform process further.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The <a href="https://www.facebook.com/groups/1115920685120097"><span style="color: windowtext;">Labor Aged-Care and Welfare Movement (LAWM)</span></a> has adopted
this as one of its objectives.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But we
need more avowed Labor members to join our Facebook Group ; and to advocate for
change.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Much as has happened with
Rainbow Labor, Emily’s List, Labor for Refugees, and LEAN.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Labor Environmental Action Network)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Currently LAWM exists at the level of Facebook
; but over the long term we want to achieve much more. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If you’re a Labor member and haven’t joined
LAWM yet, pls do so.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And for Bill
Shorten, Julia Gillard and others: Please take up this cause and make it an
issue for the upcoming Federal Election.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-32360813314624609832021-05-15T16:55:00.002-07:002021-05-15T18:03:40.846-07:00Government does not go far enough on Aged Care reform, while Labor is too-light on the Details<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhm93qtOXf-pOafUTfYqj2Qxk74mU02lxic9bN2l085caGSALyctQ7tkxBuRoQJLaBQ5SmfhdPaSWZdaEbXB1Zq9yTmfd68Orf3RmQ3DcbRDsbFQEZGjF00rgHtFkkdrbsWdvaWx7PgCSY/s1200/aged-care-blog.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="628" data-original-width="1200" height="191" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhm93qtOXf-pOafUTfYqj2Qxk74mU02lxic9bN2l085caGSALyctQ7tkxBuRoQJLaBQ5SmfhdPaSWZdaEbXB1Zq9yTmfd68Orf3RmQ3DcbRDsbFQEZGjF00rgHtFkkdrbsWdvaWx7PgCSY/w365-h191/aged-care-blog.jpg" width="365" /></a></div><b><p><b>above: Aged Care residents need more to do than to be sat in front of a television all day</b></p></b><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><b>Dr Tristan Ewins</b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 115%; mso-color-alt: windowtext;">The recent Budget
announcements <a href="https://theconversation.com/budget-package-doesnt-guarantee-aged-care-residents-will-get-better-care-160611">are
a mixed bag for Aged Care. </a><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They
represent a step in the right direction ; but much is still left to be
done.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Specifically the Budget outlines
an extra $17.7 billion over five years in new funding ; but with an upwards
trajectory. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is intended to provide
an additional 80,000 home care packages over two years, while increasing the
Basic Daily Fee by $10 a day. This will provide for things such as better food.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And average staffing levels will increase,
with 200 minutes of personal attention allowed for, with 40 minutes of this
with a registered nurse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By comparison,
</span><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 115%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the Royal Commission <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/mar/05/relying-on-casuals-in-aged-care-will-weaken-royal-commissions-reforms-experts-warn?fbclid=IwAR3usdn9onP0vjyRcv0ytEUWbceB3mQK1w8zGir_ubsmJfIxJLIEU8ujHM0"><span style="color: #2288bb;">concluded</span></a> that residents require at least
215 minutes of personalised care a day. (including 44 minutes with a
Registered Nurse)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And while the Budget initiatives
will see an increase in the numbers of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Aged Care workers attaining a Certificate III qualification, they have
stopped short of mandating this as a minimum standard.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://theconversation.com/budget-package-doesnt-guarantee-aged-care-residents-will-get-better-care-160611">The
Conversation concludes</a> that while the changes, including a new Aged Care
act in 2023, are significant, they stop short of the ‘needs based’ model demanded
by the Royal Commission.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We still need minimum staffing ratios. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Mandated personal time with staff needs to go
further. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To attract and keep the best
workers we need significantly better wages and conditions for all staff. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A landmark improvement in wages of at least 20
per cent, and end casualisation for those who prefer part time or full time
work.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is also a matter of fairness
in relation to the demanding nature of the work.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We require more workers with a Certificate IV
minimum. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need as many workers as
possible with a Certificate IV, and none with less than a Certificate III. What’s
more we want better standards without falling back on user pays to provide for
this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><a href="https://www.afr.com/politics/federal/australians-will-die-battling-to-afford-their-own-coffin-keating-20210126-p56wx7">In
Paul Keating’s words</a>, we don’t want people to have to ‘eat their house’ and
die broke.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This also requires an
improvement in the Aged Pension, with an easing of means tests. And we need to
provide for a waiting list of around 100,000 for at home care. We also need
stringent regulation to ensure new funding goes entirely towards staff,
infrastructure and services, and not profit margins.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br />
<br />
There’s also the problem of Aged Care homes being ‘warehouses for old people’. People
are just sat down in a common room in front of a television all day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Tied funding needs to be provided for
facilitated interaction ; outings for those interested and capable ; visits,
gardens and access to a variety of books and information technology ; as well
as interesting and engaging activities. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Once everything is accounted for we’re looking
at something more like a minimum of $10 billion new funding every year indexed
to account for rising costs and inflation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>This is necessary just to make up for the money withdrawn from the
system in the form of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/mar/01/australias-aged-care-system-needs-massive-investment-royal-commission-report-finds">‘efficiency
dividends’</a> over the past 20 years. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The public sector also needs to take more
responsibility, with more public investment in aged care facilities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For profit aged care does not have the
interests of residents at heart, and even not-for-profits can be prone to diverting
funds for expansion.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 115%;">But by comparison Labor has made little in the way of monetary
commitments <a href="https://anthonyalbanese.com.au/media-centre/budget-reply-speech-2021">in
its Budget Reply</a>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> Nonetheless </span>it’s true,
Albanese has hinted at ratios. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He argued
that :<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“<span style="background: white; color: #202020;">a Labor Government will deliver that care by ensuring that
every dollar spent in aged care goes to employing a guaranteed minimum level of
nurses, assistants and carers and to daily needs like decent food – rather than
into the pockets of the more unscrupulous providers.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
includes a registered nurse on site 24/7.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>And a commitment to levels of personalised care recommendation by the
Royal Commission. He backs the Royal Commission findings ; though he does not
commit in areas where there was disagreement ; such as funding. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Albanese also mentions issues like the wages
and conditions of staff, which the Liberals did not even touch upon. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The bottom line is that while Labor is saying
some good things, it needs to commit on funding.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And that funding mechanism should be as
progressive as possible. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For a start,
tax cuts for the well-off need to be stopped or reversed. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It needs to provide at least twice the
monetary commitment made by the Conservative Government in Aged Care ; or at
least an additional $10 billion a year.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>And that funding needs to kick in as a matter of urgency, as soon as
possible.<br />
<br />
Albanese is also highlighting Labor’s ambitious child care policy, as well as
its high tech industry policy, an emphasis on wages, and a big commitment to
social housing<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>- with 20,000 new social
housing dwellings, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>including 4,000
places for women and families escaping domestic violence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is no explanation how wages will be
driven upwards however, or why social housing is thought preferable to public
housing. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After all, public housing would
ultimately be more affordable for recipients. If the Fair Work Commission will
not lift Aged Care workers’ wages significantly enough Labor needs to intervene
more directly. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the NDIS needs
support so recipients are not adversely affected by cost-cutting.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: white; color: #202020; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 13pt; line-height: 115%;">As the Federal election
approaches, the issue of revenue and funding will become unavoidable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A ‘small target’ will not suffice when people
are demanding details. An Aged Care Levy could be progressively structured, and
would probably be relatively popular if linked directly with Aged Care funding.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Coalition has been driven by the findings
of the Aged Care Royal Commission to go further than it is probably comfortable
with.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Labor needs to go further still
if it is to address the findings of that Commission, and clearly distinguish a
superior policy from that of the Coalition.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com11tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-56776189853752230402021-04-18T02:34:00.003-07:002021-04-18T17:34:51.609-07:00Responding to ‘Cynical Theories’ – A Critique of Postmodern Theory<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLFL8JPeZpoTTFNbKdxnCjcVKGZJqS52Yv7ZCw31P6fE5PZoytS160MrkcMeKGyJrxgQhLhqvQbQ-ZpgskP9VRcllyqRPJqeeWqdidep7hEQlxkHVohQoSKDOfW53QzHGB1OHhsYe-Luo/s2048/Cynical.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="2048" data-original-width="1331" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLFL8JPeZpoTTFNbKdxnCjcVKGZJqS52Yv7ZCw31P6fE5PZoytS160MrkcMeKGyJrxgQhLhqvQbQ-ZpgskP9VRcllyqRPJqeeWqdidep7hEQlxkHVohQoSKDOfW53QzHGB1OHhsYe-Luo/s320/Cynical.jpg" /></a></div><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Pluckrose, Helen and Lindsay, James, </span></b><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">‘Cynical Theories – How Universities Made Everything about Race, Gender
and Identity – and Why This Harms Everybody</span></i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">, Swift Press, London, 2020</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Dr Tristan
Ewins<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">“Cynical Theories” - by Helen Pluckrose and James Lindsay –
is a thorough critique of postmodernism as exemplified by Foucault, Derrida and
Lyotard from the 1960s onward ; as well as the Applied and ‘Reified’ (in the
authors’ words) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>postmodernist intellectual
movements which have followed. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is a
response that book.<br />
<br />
The period of ‘high postmodernity’ saw thinkers like Foucault, Derrida and
Lyotard adopt an approach of irony and ‘playfulness’ in response to capitalist
domination, the decline of communism as a perceived alternative, and the
hopelessness which followed. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
‘applied’ phase sought to apply postmodernism to concrete issues, and in this
sense saw a re-emergence of some kind of hope on the Left after the decline of communism.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Meanwhile what the authors call the
‘reified phase’ saw postmodern Theory increasingly seen as representing ‘The
Truth’ about society, which cannot be questioned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The original postmodernists were sometimes
criticised for taking deconstruction too far, or because they could “afford” to
be ‘playful” and “ironic”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(being white,
middle class and male) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(p 48) The
objective reality of certain oppressed groups was to be accepted ; and not
subjected to deconstruction.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Reconstruction’
was seen as being as important as deconstruction.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(not entirely a bad thing!) What has come to
be described as “Standpoint Theory’ has seen an abandonment of ‘scientific
truth’ and its replacement with group experience.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What some people call ‘Identity Politics’.
‘Standpoint theory’ has it that people are defined by their social location in
a landscape of privilege and oppression.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Indeed science, empirical knowledge and notions of
‘progress’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>are sometimes seen as part of
the “Western Enlightenment’ tradition ; and that is dismissed as an Ideology of
Western domination.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As well as being
oppressive of ‘other ways of knowing’. (for example mystical spiritual
traditions, paganism, witchcraft)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> I</span>n reality these traditions should also be
open to criticism ; but the Enlightenment saw a general scepticism about ‘the
spiritual’ ; and an unwillingness to engage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(though arguably if the Enlightenment should be subjected to criticism,
so too should ‘other ways of knowing’) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Science especially is seen as holding great
“prestige” ; and that can be a cover for domination.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(as in the past, where racist colonialist
discourses were legitimised (falsely) in its name)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Certain racial, sexual, gender and other
groups are seen as oppressed by dominant discourses ; and therefore are
represented as ‘authentic’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>After
Foucault ; ‘Power’ is seen as operating in all discourses and social
relationships ; sometimes rendered invisible or obscured by dominant
ideologies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many also accept Derrida’s
critique of ‘binaries’ such as sex (male/female) which are maintained through
language ; and believe those binaries need to be ‘blurred’, ‘disrupted’ or
‘turned on their heads’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hence there has
arisen notions of ‘Intersex’ and ‘Queer’ sexuality which are not ‘heteronormative’.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The authors object to the way in which this ‘postmodern
Ideology’ is enforced.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While they
identify ‘applied postmodernism’ and ‘reified postmodernism’ as being
intolerant of debate ; ostensibly to prevent hostile discourse causing trauma
to marginalised groups ; instead they promote liberal notions of free
speech.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here, ideas must be subjected to
criticism if they are to develop and evolve. Marxists would argue that the
“dialectic” must be enabled to do its work through open class struggle.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And
they see dialectical logic at work in other social relationships as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Suppression of debate is counter-productive.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This reminds the reader of the stance taken
by communist, Rosa Luxemburg in supporting free speech in Revolutionary Russia
; just as the Bolsheviks were consolidating their control. For the authors the
‘authoritarianism’ of postmodernism runs parallel to that of Communism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That many communists (Martov, Kautsky,
Luxemburg) opposed the suppression of the working class ‘supposedly for its own
good’ is not acknowledged ; and it can be assumed that the authors simply
haven’t engaged with Marxism in such a way as to be aware of this diversity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The authors also assume capitalism is
‘self-correcting’ ;<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>going ‘hand in hand
with Liberalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But capitalism makes
the same old mistakes – overproduction, monopolism, planned obsolescence, gross
inequality. There is a self-correcting element in liberalism – interpreted as
liberty - but liberty can be applied to socialism as well as capitalism.<br />
<br />
In the name of liberalism, the authors also defend universalism, science and
secular humanism. They believe “truth” can be arrived at via
scientific/empirical method, and that science points towards our common
humanity. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hence ; although a ‘scientific
Ideology’ had been distorted in the past to justify colonialist racism ;
eventually the rigorous and authentic Scientific Method itself helped break
down the very Ideologies of racism which previously tried to use science as a
‘cover’. Here they actually share cause with orthodox Marxism. For many
postmodernists, however, oppressed groups have their own “ways of knowing”
which only they have access to ; and which need to be empowered for their
liberation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here the oppressed must
speak for themselves ; hence diversity quotas and the like.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">In response it could be argued that highly developed empathy
enables some people to identify with and begin to understand the positions of
oppressed groups and individuals.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There
is the Weberian notion of social-scientific ‘Understanding’. (Verstehen) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also some arguments deserve to be heard
because of the quality of their arguments, and the broader social urgency ; as
opposed simply to the Identity of the speaker.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Finally ; ‘white’, ‘male’ and ‘straight’ people have the potential to
develop discourses of self-understanding which do not simply reinforce or
render invisible previous binaries of domination.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For the authors such perspectives should be
rigorously criticised ; but not silenced. For instance: Whereas it might be
useful for a white male to subject himself to criticism using Feminist methods
; he should be able to arrive at critical self-understandings of his own as
well. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He should not be banned from
speaking for himself because in some contexts he is seen as enjoying privilege.
But he must listen to Others also.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At
the end of the day, however, ‘inclusion’ brings us into relation and dialogue
with one another, and that itself can lead to ‘progress’. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">“Applied” and “Reified” postmodernism attempt to read racism,
sexism and prejudice into all manner of discourses.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Often this simply involves rigorous analysis
revealing past prejudices ; which can lead to recognition, and ultimately
healing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A ‘critical’ perspective can
simply involve SENSITIIVTY to the perspectives of Others.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But on the other hand it can be taken to
extremes ; where any ‘slip’ can lead to ostracism, or even the destruction of
careers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As the authors write:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;">“At best, this has a chilling
effect on the culture of free expression…as good people self-censor to avoid
saying the ‘wrong’ things. At worst, it is a malicious form of bullying and –
when institutionalised – a kind of authoritarianism in our midst.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(pp 14-15)<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Furthermore:</span><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;">“We see radical relativism in the
form of double standards, such as assertions that only men can be sexists and
only white people can be racist, and in the wholesale rejection of consistent
principles of non-discrimination.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the
face of this, it grows increasingly difficult and even dangerous to argue that
people should be treated as individuals or to urge recognition of our shared
humanity in the face of divisive and constraining identity politics.” (pp
17-18)<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">It <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">is</i></b> desirable to include marginalised
groups.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And efforts must be made to
create a welcoming environment. But representative democracy is also about<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>electing a person who has the belief systems
and policies which accord with one’s own beliefs and interests. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or at least it should.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(there is a ‘tribal’ element to politics
also)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Quotas can potentially prioritise
representation of groups over representation on the basis of preferred ideology
and policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Marginalised groups can be
included via various bodies ; such as the ‘Voice to Parliament’ suggested for
indigenous Australians. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They can also be
included via ‘deliberative democracy’ and ‘co-determination’. And affirmative
action for women can proceed in the form of reserved seats in parliament ; so
there is still a contest of ideas and values during pre-selections.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But where people no longer have the choice to
elect the person who best represents their values and interests – on the basis
of the quality of their politics and policies - <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>representative democracy is circumvented. <br />
<br />
All that said, there is a history of racism ; expressed through Colonialism,
Imperialism, Capitalism, Slavery.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And
there is a history of sexism as expressed through a Patriarchy which employed a
binary Ideological logic to render women (falsely, but according to its
premises) irrational, fragile, unsuited to public life, and so on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the West, much of this Patriarchy has been
broken down by Second Wave feminism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
women are still excluded from many professions ; are disadvantaged in the
labour market with the devalorisation of professions which are dominated by
women (eg: aged care) ; and in many Western countries women are still restricted
in their participation in public life, and the relative levels of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>prestige of some women’s sport. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Finally, until relatively recently homophobia was entrenched
in law and culture ; but is now being broken down in popular culture, with gay
marriage, and the permeation of postmodern scepticism of strict binaries
through broader society.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The authors argue, however, that it is
liberalism which has seen non-hetero-normative sexualities accepted as
‘natural’ and ‘normal’.<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Traditionally, postmodern approaches have been critical of
‘metanarratives’. (eg: Western Progress through Liberal Capitalism and Science;
or the Marxist critique of Capitalism and of Class Struggle leading to
socialism)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The authors acknowledge that
metanarratives can be restrictive and exclusive ; but they believe ironically what
they call [postmodern] Theory has become a metanarrative of its own.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In reality we need metanarratives to contest
economy and society in a globalised world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>If Leftists do not have their own metanarratives, right-wing
metanarratives will ‘fill the vacuum’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But we must be careful not to let metanarratives silence more localised
narratives. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">As conceived of by Marx, the working class is still the
majority class world-wide. Many postmodern approaches tend to downplay the
unifying power of class, as opposed to tensions based on race, sexuality,
gender and so on. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Class is often problematized as a matter of equalising
life-chances through educational equal opportunity and so on.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But class oppression is different. By its
very definition it involves exploitation, and is anti-democratic with regards
economic life.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also, by its nature it
involves the majority of human beings - who are engaged in capitalist
production. Perhaps the working class might no longer be considered the
‘universal historic subject’ as once assumed by Marxists.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The working class needs allies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And oppressed minorities could do with the
solidarity of a conscious, organised working class.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Above everything the working class needs to
recover its sense of self.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If that
condition is satisfied the working class is still strategically positioned –
industrially, culturally, electorally – to exert significant power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But this involves a metanarrative of
socialism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">For Marx Ideology served the interests of the Bourgeois
Ruling Class.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It ‘naturalised’
capitalist social relations through nationalism, much of religion, Liberal
Ideology ; and it obscured working peoples’ self-interest. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By contrast, the common Theoretical approach
is to see discourses of domination which are often ‘invisible’ , but from which
white, male, cis-normative people benefit from.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Here, Ideology is seen as benefiting the majority, including working
people.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(as opposed to benefiting mainly
the ruling class minority)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">There is truth in the argument that Power can be subtle, and
is not at all limited to class. The Foucauldian approach traditionally neglects
class and a broader critique of capitalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Certainly it has no sense that capitalism could be ‘negated’, except in
localised ‘micronarratives’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it has
its strengths.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Language is not everything.
There is a reality outside of language. But language is still powerful ; it can
be a vehicle for Power.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It can be laden
with Ideology.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is a PRACTICE which
influences how we see ourselves and the world around us on an everyday
basis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Giddens would have it that we are
all interpreters and active participants in the shaping of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>language and not just passive recipients. Though
Ideological relations of domination and manipulation should not be understated
; even though they are not absolute. Though language and knowledge are not
necessarily oppressive in of themselves. In the right hands, and of the right
quality, they can be liberating.<br />
<br />
But from a Marxist perspective, the working class is still an exploited class ;
and a class which widely suffers alienation. (ie: trauma from the menial,
physically demanding, meaningless and unfulfilling, repetitive nature of much
work)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Inequality has reached alarming
levels ; yet somehow the working class is ‘invisible’ in much postmodern
discourse.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The authors are at pains to reject Marxism ; and see both
Marxism and Postmodern Theory as ‘authoritarian ideologies’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While they see Marxism as ‘in decline’ from
the 1960s, Marxism continued for several decades ; and morphed into the New
Left and Eurocommunism for example. Socialism progressed for several decades in
Scandinavia ; there were class struggles in Britain and France.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sometimes Marxism morphed into Postmarxism
and the works of radical theorists such as Chantal Mouffe.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Socialism should not be ‘written off’ with
liberalism ‘the only contender left standing’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But neither should liberalism be written off.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Whether we describe it as ‘liberal
socialism’ or ‘libertarian socialism’ (a term sometimes applied to Luxemburg)
there is a socialism which is possible that is open to criticism, development,
and account of new realities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though
that socialism should nonetheless ground itself in class struggles and other
progressive struggles.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> (</b>P 25)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">According to the authors (effectively by the words of Lyotard)
postmodern theory “seeks not to be factually true but to be strategically
useful: in order to bring about its own aims, morally virtuous<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and politically useful by its own
definitions.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(p 38)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Theory SHOULD be useful.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It shouldn’t exist in a detached sense as if in
some kind of ‘ivory tower’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But just
because sometimes “the truth” is hard to ascertain doesn’t mean we shouldn’t
strive towards it, and apply even our own works to rigorous criticism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is potentially dangerous to suggest
‘striving for the truth’ does not matter.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">In the Notes section at the back of the book the authors
recognise that Critical Theory originated with the Frankfurt School, and
included figures such as Jurgen Habermas – who was a defender of ‘the
unfinished project of Modernity’ ; and who believed in the power of
‘Communicative Action’ to ‘reach understanding’ even in the context of
pluralism. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It’s important to acknowledge
this as there are realms of ‘critical theory’ radically at odds with the model
put forward by the authors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Habermas believed
a ‘Perfect Speech Situation’ could result in a non-oppressive kind of socialism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That is achieved by bringing various critical
traditions – each with its own legitimacy and lines of empirical enquiry - into
relation which each other. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
manifests as ‘liberation by consensus’. Which is possible because there is an
‘objective truth’ on human liberation which people can arrive at through
communication. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The later Habermas
doubted ethical consensus, but insisted there was a truth which could be ‘got
at’ by relating to an objective world. This requires rigorous ‘dialectical’
testing of propositions. But that process is obstructed by the ‘colonisation of
lifeworld by system’ ; where (non-linguistic) systems of power based on money,
state and bureaucracy<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>get in the way of
Communicative Action. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arguably these are
not merely matters of systemic logic ; but of class agency. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The working class must arrive at class
consciousness (and socialist consciousness), and must organise in order to change
the world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The bourgeoisie, while
sometimes captive to their own Ideology, are also often not beyond deliberately
distorting the truth to preserve their position.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But limiting oneself to language ; as opposed
to the objective functioning of capitalist economies ; can create a veritable
“prison house” (Jameson) which limits clarity, perception and understanding.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For some however (eg: Mouffe and Laclau) the
earlier Habermas is too optimistic. Mouffe proposes a counter-hegemony in the
context of robust pluralism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She
doesn’t presume humanity to be capable of a rational consensus on values and
socio-economic organisation. But she does presume a majority can accept
pluralism on the basis of shared freedoms.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">‘Intersectionality’ is seen as stemming from the work of
postmodern feminist, Kimberle Crenshaw.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>‘Intersectionality’ is a powerful concept which has come to be deployed
by Theorists to explain how people experience ‘intersections’ of multiple
oppressions, determined by their social location and Identity. That includes
race, gender, sexuality, disability, body type, class and so on. Hence<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a black lesbian woman is ‘triply
oppressed’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In a sense this is nuanced ;
as it accounts for multiple experiences and social locations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By comparison, the original Marxism focused
on the labour-capital dialectic.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Crenshaw wanted to both keep the Theoretical Understanding of
race and gender as social constructs and use deconstructive methods to critique
them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>She also wanted to assert a “stable
truth claim” : that some people were discriminated against on the grounds of
their racial and sexual identities, a discrimination she planned to address
legally, using identity politics. She claims that identity categories “have
meaning and consequences”. That is, they are objectively real.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(P 57)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>For the original postmodernists “endless examination and deconstruction
of categories can enable us to liberate those who do not fit neatly into
categories.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(p 55)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By contrast, from a radical modernist
perspective Gloria Watkins is a black feminist who criticises the quest for
‘unstable’ identities ; because this prevents oppressed people (such as black
women and the working class) from forming an identity from which they can
strive for liberation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(p 55)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Crenshaw’s position can be seen, also, as a
kind of response to those such as Watkins ; advocating social constructivism ;
but also arguing those constructions have significant weight.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">But the weakness of Intersectionality, and of Identity
Politics more broadly is that it does not account for the true uniqueness of
individuals’ experiences. For instance ; a white working class man who is part
of the working poor could be worse off than a black middle class woman ; on
account of poverty, class stigma, educational disadvantage, and a dead end
alienating job.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such nuances are not
always considered when people are categorised according to ‘intersections’
which simply establish their Identity with regard various marginalised groups.
People also have unique belief systems ; and this will affect their life
experience as well.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">On the other
hand, there is the assumption that ANY relation between a “privileged” and
“oppressed” person is one of “power imbalance”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Because marginalised voices MUST be considered “authentic” their
interpretations are accepted without question, and are indisputable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The authors conclude: this “leaves wide open
the door to the unscrupulous.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Pp
132-133)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>However, Crenshaw writes:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br />
<br />
“social power in delineating difference need not be<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the power of domination ; It can instead be
the source of social empowerment and reconstruction.” <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Hence a
break with 'foundational' postmodernism even while continuing it in other
ways.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(P 125)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>According to this logic, antagonistic
identity groups can reconceive of themselves, and in-so-doing resolve their
antagonism constructively.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This is
important, as it suggests dominant groups can reconceive of themselves in ways
which recognise the Other; and when this is acted upon it can end relations of
oppression.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On these assumptions there
is nothing ‘essentially bad’ about ‘whiteness’, masculinity etc. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The
oppression of the working class, however, will not end under capitalism as the
labour-capital relationship has a mechanism of exploitation which is intrinsic
to it. Though relations can be reconceived in ways which lead to historic
compromises that advance working class interests compared with neo-liberalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(eg: Nordic Social Democracy ; though even
here Social Democracy is in retreat)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Applied postmodern theory tends to see ‘system’ (via
knowledge/language/power) as being the problem more so than willing, dominating
agents.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And again, from a Modernist
perspective Habermas also saw [capitalist] system as ‘colonising’ ‘lifeworld’. The
reality is an interplay of system and agency. Capitalism itself has systemic
imperatives ; and those imperatives have achieved a global scale.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the same time capitalist Ideology is
hegemonic and virtually unchallenged. Even Social Democratic parties have accepted
the retreat of the welfare state, not only embracing the consequences of
capitalist imperatives ; but sometimes even internally embracing aspects of its
neo-liberal variant.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But amidst all this
there are political actors.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
bourgeoisie understands its interests and is organised.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Those oppressed under capitalism must also
collectively perceive their position, and organise for socialism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">There’s
nothing wrong with an applied theory which aims to inform historical agents who
will change the world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The problem is an
arbitrary hierarchy of perceived identity-based oppression – which does not
strictly accord to the real world.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That
is, the categories aren’t sufficient to explain things in their complexity ;
and some are often arbitrarily prioritised over others. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Reality is more complex . And along the way the
objective reality of class has been abandoned ; or treated like ‘just another
identity’. This is important because CLASS is a <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">social relationship</i> and potential identity and source of consciousness
which can unite the majority rather than just dividing them against each other.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sensitivity to the problems of various
identity groups could be integral to healing the divisions within the working
class. But class is the central social relationship of capitalism. Social
Justice activism has been so successful that in some cases it has turned
oppression on its head.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But ‘turning
oppression on its head’ is not the same as abolishing it. The way forward is to
roll back all oppression and alienation ; and work towards the kind of society
where <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">all </i>can lead happy, free,
meaningful lives – without oppression, alienation, exploitation or prejudice.</span><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Bibliography
;<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Pluckrose,
Helen and Lindsay, James, </span></b><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">‘Cynical
Theories – How Universities Made Everything about Race, Gender and Identity –
and Why This Harms Everybody</span></i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">, Swift Press, London, 2020</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-6747870226564002422021-03-05T20:17:00.007-08:002021-04-02T13:45:37.854-07:00Funding and Services Crucial for Aged Care<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh2IWzKabB_ZTVy9tpv6Wezt6wtx-lbPW9p8Px7viIpqCiuq0ti4F6Bhyphenhyphen4I-1SPKp5iNrXWfWw0dLQ8o40C6t-vGDAJPJzvOFJ3WlI5ta2BCtKlvB3QhdwkRFTuwEHIthCF4Av5H9x4N4E/s600/questions.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="399" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh2IWzKabB_ZTVy9tpv6Wezt6wtx-lbPW9p8Px7viIpqCiuq0ti4F6Bhyphenhyphen4I-1SPKp5iNrXWfWw0dLQ8o40C6t-vGDAJPJzvOFJ3WlI5ta2BCtKlvB3QhdwkRFTuwEHIthCF4Av5H9x4N4E/s320/questions.jpg" width="320" /></a></div><br /> <b>above: access to sunlight, fresh air and gardens can improve quality of life in aged care</b><p></p><p><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Dr Tristan
Ewins<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The Aged Care Royal Commission had laid down its
findings.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These should be the source of
great shame for the Government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But also
for Labor – who failed to prioritise the issue over the decades as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It now falls to Labor Federal Opposition
Leader Anthony Albanese to drop the ‘small target, ‘no new taxes’ policy and
promise to fund comprehensive, needs-based Aged Care with ongoing and
significant progressive tax reform.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Labor could plan for incremental reform over a ten year timeframe,
peaking at 5 per cent of GDP in new progressive taxation. But aiming for 1% to
1.5% of GDP in a first term.<br />
<br />
After scrutiny from the ABC especially in recent years, It should come as
little surprise that the Australian Aged Care system has been found to be
subject to appalling neglect.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘The
Guardian’ reports that after over 20 years of ‘efficiency dividends’ </span><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/mar/01/australias-aged-care-system-needs-massive-investment-royal-commission-report-finds"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">almost $10
billion</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> a year had effectively been ripped out of the Aged Care
budget.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This funding – and more – needs
to be restored. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The Royal Commission has found that since its inception –
with the 1997 Aged Care Act – the aim of the system has been to cap costs
rather than ensure quality. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Australia
spends </span><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://www.australianageingagenda.com.au/royal-commission/australia-spending-less-than-international-counterparts/"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">less than
half</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> the amount provided for proportionately in the Netherlands
for instance. To improve quality, and wind back inequitable user-pays, funding
needs to at least double.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">On the understanding that the system has been under-resourced
for decades, now, Aged Care has lacked nurse and aged care worker ratios. Many
workers lack skills, are under-paid, and are demoralised.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Casualised labour is common, and makes it
difficult for staff to form relationships with residents. Workers often need to
move between several workplaces. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Experts
informing the Royal Commission </span><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2021/mar/05/relying-on-casuals-in-aged-care-will-weaken-royal-commissions-reforms-experts-warn?fbclid=IwAR3usdn9onP0vjyRcv0ytEUWbceB3mQK1w8zGir_ubsmJfIxJLIEU8ujHM0"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">have
concluded</span></a></span><span style="font-family: Calibri, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> that residents require at least 215 minutes of
personalised care a day. (including 44 minutes
with a Registered Nurse)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">
It is also notable that </span><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://hayylo.com/blog/2021/02/18/aged-care-royal-commission-time-for-the-aged-care-industry-to-be-wiser/?utm_term=aged%20care%20royal%20commission&utm_source=adwords&utm_medium=ppc&utm_campaign=RM+%7C+Search+%7C+Royal+Commission&hsa_net=adwords&hsa_grp=120812943507&hsa_mt=e&hsa_tgt=kwd-548844265828&hsa_kw=aged%20care%20royal%20commission&hsa_src=g&hsa_acc=2050774136&hsa_cam=12354347992&hsa_ver=3&hsa_ad=502322364933&gclid=Cj0KCQiAyoeCBhCTARIsAOfpKxij74tSBfQzk8FoCw0EAuJc5bPtSscsCh5diNzF0YxcIpghX0QseF0aAjMVEALw_wcB"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">about 25% of
elderly Australians (over 70)</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"> suffer chronic social isolation ;
and this needs to be addressed as much as purely-physical needs. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> <br /><br />Abuse also affects between 13% and 18% of residents, and much greater oversight is necessary to defend their rights and dignity.</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Because of inadequate ratios it is not uncommon for aged care
workers to try and dress and shower elderly residents </span><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><a href="https://hellocare.com.au/5-6-minutes-long-enough-staff-get-resident-ready-morning/"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">in around 6
minutes</span></a></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">: which must surely impact on the quality of care. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And involve significant trauma. Food is often
cheap and un-nutritious.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dental care and
other Allied health services are not always adequate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Often ‘life’ consists of being sat down in
front of a TV in a common room all day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Sometimes people develop bedsores or lay in their own urine
or excrement because there is inadequate supervision. There is a desperate need
for more facilitated social interaction, and excursions for those capable.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>People need sunlight, privacy, pleasant
surrounds, gardens, books, things to do and aspire to. Rather than receiving
specialist care, those with dementia are often literally ‘tied down’, or
‘knocked out’ by heavy application of anti-psychotic medications.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">A largely privatised system has faced inadequate government
scrutiny. With funding already critically low, pressures to provide profits and
dividends have driven a culture of ‘cutting corners’ in the industry, to
residents’ detriment. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Many who require Aged Care would prefer to stay at home with
assistance packages.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(this is also more
efficient in terms of necessary funding)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But waiting lists have hovered at around the 100,000 mark. Many thousands die every year waiting for care
that is never delivered. This is also unfair for Carers.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Scott Morrison has injected almost half a billion into the
system in response to the Commission’s findings. But this is only a small
fraction of what is needed. He claims reform will take ‘years’ ; but in fact
the government is still focused on containing costs as opposed to fixing the
system. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They hope that – with time –
people will ‘forget’ – and pressures for tax reform will recede. Their ‘low tax
credentials’ are more important to them than our vulnerable elderly. Over the
long term, Labor is partly to blame as well. If Aged Care was prioritised as
much as Covid, reform could be implemented more rapidly.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Aged Care ‘for profit’
is part of the problem ; but not-for-profits have a hard time sustaining the
necessary staff, infrastructure and services also.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Profiteers should be driven out of the
system. Government and not-for-profits should step in to fill the void.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">A robust, dedicated and progressively-structured Aged Care
Levy could raise at least $16 billion to be redirected into the system ;
enhancing health and social services, improving ratios of aged care workers and
nurses , ensuring more personal attention for residents and those requiring
care-at-home.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Capital should also pay
its share, with Company Tax rising by at least one per cent.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Overall, progressive tax should rise as soon as possible (over
the short term) by over one per cent of GDP – maybe even 1.5% of GDP. (ie:
somewhere between about $16 billion and $24 billion a year)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Morrison Government needs to be pressed
to implement these reforms immediately ; but otherwise a new Labor Government
needs to implement such change in its first term.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Labor needs to ‘break the bipartisan consensus of neglect’
and run hard on tax reform for Aged Care, as well as mental health and
supporting the National Disability Insurance Scheme. (NDIS)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jobseeker needs to rise by at least $100 a
week, and maybe more. Other pensions could also be strengthened.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is widespread public support for tax
reform if tied to crucial areas of public need. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">More is needed over the long term to achieve a social wage
and welfare state of Nordic proportions. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Provision of care needs to be ‘needs based’
rather than ‘capped’ regardless of what that means for cost. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Government oversight needs to consider
‘basics’ like food and staffing ratios ; but also broader ‘quality of life’
issues. In the future one priority should be keeping the elderly ‘connected’
with internet access.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Labor needs to mobilise its resources to campaign for
extensive Aged Care reform now ; as well as reform for mental health, NDIS,
Jobseeker, and other pensions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Aged Care
and Mental Health especially are ‘in the public eye’ for now.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need to maintain and increase the momentum
for change while we have the chance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>These need to be key issues for the coming election, and also in the
development of Labor’s National Platform. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(a Special Conference is being held near the
end of March 2021– this month!) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Labor activists and parliamentarians are placed to make a
difference in unions, social movements, government and the broader Party.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We all need to attempt to lead debate and apply
pressure as best we can while there is a ‘window of opportunity’ for change.<o:p></o:p></span></p><br /><p></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com4tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-2256306812258954402021-02-03T21:17:00.003-08:002021-02-12T14:52:48.359-08:00A Zionism of Mutual Recognition and Hope: Reconsidering Judah Magnes<p><b></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQepzCHl04KGYbW2o7sTIep0wuPcXVCftYWoRCulo-jEwe55ffXsDoK4MO6K0KcuSbZtjjleIYanYVpascCmL3bcjyknxMPlaBNKmyBRK1nTw056HABV69-avucEZFv0zlCwtpCEecV8k/s1879/Judah_Leon_Magnes.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1879" data-original-width="1300" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjQepzCHl04KGYbW2o7sTIep0wuPcXVCftYWoRCulo-jEwe55ffXsDoK4MO6K0KcuSbZtjjleIYanYVpascCmL3bcjyknxMPlaBNKmyBRK1nTw056HABV69-avucEZFv0zlCwtpCEecV8k/s320/Judah_Leon_Magnes.jpg" /></a></b></div><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><div><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></b></div> above: Judah Leon Magnes</span></b><p></p><p><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></b></p><p><b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Dr Tristan Ewins</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
<br />
In today’s ‘modern Left’ ‘Zionism’ is often taken as a term of abuse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The oppression and dispossession of the
Palestinians is widely seen as negating the very right of the ‘Jewish State’ to
exist.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Judah Magnes himself is commonly
dismissed in modern Zionism as a ‘destructive and naïve influence’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(we will discuss these claims at some
length)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Magnes’s legacy ; as well
as the legacy of others such as Hannah Arendt and Martin Buber ; show “another
kind of Zionism is possible”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the
other hand, modern anti-Zionism is itself at best naïve in believing that the
defeat of the Jewish state would lead to a secular, democratic, pluralistic and
inclusive Palestine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a cycle of revenge and Terror going back
from<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>before Israel’s formation, and to
the current day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Modern right-Zionism (including
in the Revisionist legacy of Likud ; which follows after the Irgun Zionist
faction) presumes that conciliation is impossible ; that only Israel will stand
for its own interests ; and that political and military ruthlessness is the
only road to survival. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Though his
binationalism is often held by dissenters in opposition to modern Zionism, it
is forgotten often that Magnes himself was a Zionist.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Raised in the United States, Magnes adopted a
pacifist posture during the horrors of World War One.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He also adopted what he saw as American
ideals of democracy and pluralism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
Magnes also came to oppose assimilation in the US amongst Jews most strongly.
Though he was later identified as a liberal Reform Rabbi, he was Conservative
in the sense of holding strongly to Jewish tradition and a strong Jewish
identity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>His compromise position became
known as 'cultural Zionism'.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, p
119)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For Magnes a pluralistic US could
accommodate Jewish nationalism (Zionism) within a broader national identity.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As Daniel
P.Kotzin argues:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“His “progressive”
“Zionist ideal” reveals “a larger agenda”. Hence: “Magnes was trying to fashion
American Jews as an ethnic group wherein diversity<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>was possible within a construct of Jewish solidarity.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He “forged” “an ethical-liberal Zionist
ideal” based on “his cultural Zionism, Reform Judaism and American progressive
ideals that combined ethical universalism with Jewish particularism within a
pluralistic framework.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes wanted
Arab “national autonomy in equilibrium with Jewish national autonomy.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, pp 5-6) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">But in his
eagerness to preserve Jewish identity, Magnes had sympathy for the Orthodox
position as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indeed, Magnes openly
embraced Zionism at a time when many Jews in America were not willing to make
the same leap.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Importantly, Magnes came
to support the ‘Jewish Defence Association’ (JDA) which aimed to arm Jewish
communities to defend against pogroms and the like.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, p 66) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">tried to embrace Chanukah as a
celebration of Jewish nation-hood.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He
also embraced the teaching of Yiddish as part of a “cultural Zionist
program”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>which actually promoted unity
instead of fragmentation. (Kotzin, p 73)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Specifically,
Magnes supported a Jewish national home in Palestine as opposed to proposals
for elsewhere – like Uganda.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But
importantly,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>he felt it was essential to
come to an understanding with Palestine’s Arab residents ; to consult with them
and arrive at a kind of co-determination.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Rather than
pure majoritarianism, Magnes promoted ‘deliberative democracy’ within the
broader Jewish community as the road to unity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>His perspective of ‘equal opportunity’ extended to Arabs in Palestine ;
and for him a large Arab community there had to be accepted and worked
with.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, pp 135-140)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">During World
War One Magnes defended civil liberties and free speech in the context of his pacifism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He also came to oppose the ‘Red Scare’
following the Bolshevik Revolution.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Following World War One, the Balfour declaration –
establishing a Jewish national home in Palestine – heightened tensions between
Jews and Arabs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arabs launched
anti-Jewish riots in Palestine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some Zionists
thought Jewish migration would bring benefits to Arab society and thus would
eventually be accepted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the Zionist
Organisation of America held that “the land, natural resources and public
utilities would be owned by Jews, and all schools would be conducted in
Hebrew.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By contrast Magnes interpreted
Jewish ethics as “radical pacifism”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin,
pp 155-156)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He only reconsidered this uncompromising
pacifism in the context of World War Two and the threat posed by Hitler.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Again, Magnes’ position on ‘national self-determination’
translated as co-determination between Jews and Arabs in Palestine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For Magnes:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“[the] very prestige and reputation of the Jewish nation, which
presented itself as liberal and ethical, depended on this.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Upon migrating to Palestine, Magnes was appointed as
Chancellor of the Hebrew University which was being established there.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The Faculty of Humanities opened in 1928.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes also promoted the teaching of Yiddish
language and culture ; though conducted in Hebrew. He thought it was important
to be inclusive while establishing Hebrew as the national language.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But many protested - finding Yiddish a
threat to Hebrew culture. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes wanted
the Hebrew University to be inclusive of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">all
</i>Jewish culture – ancient and modern. (Kotzin, p 194-196)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The British tried to appease both Jews and Arabs ; and in the
1920s said they had no intention of creating a Jewish State.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Transjordan was established in an appeal to
Arabs. Arab resistance was minimal by 1924.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">BUT critical of the other Zionists’ willingness to
compromise<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>with the British, the
controversial Zionist Vladimir Jabotinsky resigned from the World Zionist
Executive in January 1923. Jabotinsky recognised the existence of Arab
nationalism, but he believed Jews had a moral right to Palestine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Declaring a maximalist Zionist objective, he
demanded a Jewish State that included Transjordan. According to him, Arabs must
accept the inevitability of Zionism. Once they did they could live peacefully
with Jews in a Jewish State.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jabotinsky
called his new movement "Revisionist Zionism”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, p 197)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">In response, “Arthur Rippon, a member of the World Zionist
Executive who was also active in the expansion of Jewish settlement in
Palestine, presented a program for a Binational Palestine at the 1925 Zionist
Congress. He argued that Jews should work with Arabs to obtain their consent to
the Zionist movement rather than engaging in an endless conflict.” (Kotzin, p
197)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Hans Kohn and Robert Weltsch, students of Martin Buber –
along with their mentor – believed co-operation with Arabs could be achieved by
renouncing any exclusive claim to Palestine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>They believed in a Zionism based on ethics and justice that “transcended
mere political aims.” An organisation called “Brit Shalom” (Covenant of Peace)
was established.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes built relations
with the members of Brit Shalom.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though
he did not join. (Kotzin, p 198)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">With the rise of Nazism in Germany Magnes feared<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that Jews were threatened with “Systematic
extermination”. He wanted the University to be a refuge for Jewish scholars.
(Kotzin, p 213-214)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">But as a binationalist,
Magnes was willing to let go the dream of a Jewish State for a reality of
liberal democracy ; where Palestine was ‘the Jewish national home’ ; but where
Arabs and Jews lived and governed together as equals. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">He believed in the Israeli nation’s
“ability to act as a moral and liberal beacon for the world.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And he believed Arabs and Jews should actually
support and assist each other in their national aspirations. Though secretly,
Magnes feared Arabs would stop Jewish migration outright if given the
chance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, p 220, pp 226-227)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Magnes enunciated “three conditions” as a framework for
Zionism in Palestine: “the right for Jews to immigrate to Palestine based on
the country’s economic absorptive capacity, the rights for Jews to buy and sell
land in Palestine, and the right for Jews to build their own cultural and
religious institutions in Palestine.” (Kotzin, p 224)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">But as Kotzin explains:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“such views had little meaning for the Zionist
leadership, and in their eyes had no tactical merit.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“They viewed him as a rogue American Jew, one
who could have dangerous influence because of his connections but who acted
recklessly, without respect for official bodies like the Jewish Agency and
without consideration for the political consequences of his actions.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, p 221)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">In 1928/1929 there was an Arab/Jewish dispute over the
Western Wall.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This led to Arab attacks
on Jews. Over a week 133 Jews and 116 Arabs were killed, and many others
wounded.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor Zionists made comparisons
with pogroms in Russia. Most rejected the need for Jewish/Arab co-operation.
(this was seen as unrealistic) As Kotzin explains: “Jews who called for peace
and understanding, like the members of Brit Shalom, were condemned on the
streets of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem in the belief that they demonstrated Jewish
weakness, not Jewish strength.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin,
p 222)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">P 233<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“[Chaim]
Weizmann, while sympathetic to Magnes’s ideas, found his political tactics
problematic. Magnes ignored the fragile political situation” and hence could
“damage…the Zionist project.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He
believed “Arab intransigence” made it “impossible<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>to negotiate with them.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He accused Manges of “breaking our united
front”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some Arabs tried to play Magnes
off against other Zionists, depicting the others as “extremists”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, p 233)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Stephen Wise also feared Magnes was turning liberal opinion
against Zionism in the US.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Zionists were
worried at the prospect of democratic institutions before there was a Jewish
majority.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But moderate Opposition Arabs
within ‘the Arab Executive’ had long favoured co-operation with Jews and wanted
to defeat the Grand Mufti (of Jerusalem) – who was to go so far as to
collaborate with Hitler. (Kotzin, pp 234-235)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The rise of Hitler in Germany accelerated Jewish migration
into the tens of thousands – over 66,000 in 1935.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By 1936 Jews were more than one fourth of
the population in Palestine.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arabs
feared this ; including migration and land purchases ; but turned most of their
anger against the British.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Meanwhile
Revisionist Zionists promoted a hate campaign against Ben-Gurion and the Labor
Zionists for their willingness to negotiate with the Arabs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>David Ben-Gurion now felt the improved
Zionist position would force Arabs to the table.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Revisionism began to retreat at this time as
well.<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>(Kotzin, P 247-248)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">But Ben-Gurion still had an end objective of a Jewish State
as opposed to Magnes’ ‘Binational’ state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Magnes was desperate to make a difference.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In negotiations Magnes was interested if
Arabs would be willing to compromise on Palestinian Arab national aspirations
for the sake of broader Pan Arab aspirations. (pp P 250 -251)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Magnes and
the Partition Plain <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">During 1935-37 the British developed a partition plan ; to
partition Palestine and Transjordan between Jews and Arabs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some thought the proposed Jewish State was
too small ; but for Ben-Gurion the prospect of sovereignty was appealing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>American Zionists led by Stephen Wise opposed
the plan as the proposed Jewish State could not absorb all Jewish migrants – it
was too small.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For his part Magnes was
partly sympathetic – but feared partition could sow the seeds of future
war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes came around to Felix
Warburg’s anti-partition perspective. (Kotzin, Pp 259-260) <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Instead Magnes proposed “a binational state” to the Jewish
Agency – as an alternative to partition.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>He “believed that he could make Zionist discussions about democracy and
establishing solidarity with the Arabs.” (Kotzin, P 261)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">He feared if Zionism neglected the importance of “consent” it
would become “oppressive”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ha-Kibbutz
Haartzi shel Hashomer Hatzair (“The Country-wide Kibbutz of the Young Guard”)
accepted the principle of binationalism, but under conditions of a Jewish
majority.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They believed worker
solidarity could overcome Arab-Jewish conflict.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(Kotzin, P 262)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">While Magnes focused on Jewish-Arab relations he was also
strongly concerned in the mid to late 30s with the situation of Jews in Europe
and especially Germany.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He came to the
view that Jews must free themselves from dependence on Britain because Britain
was susceptible to Arab influence for strategic purposes at their time of
greatest need. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Jews attempted to subvert British immigration
restrictions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes became a mediator
between the Haganah (an organisation of Jewish self-defence and illegal
immigration) and the British.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Despite
his pacifism Magnes supported WWII as ‘a war for humanity’. He said “the
incarnation of the Devil sits on the German throne.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When pressed hard he chose “the preservation
of the Jewish people over his pacifist ideals”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">In the midst of World War Two Magnes combined with over a hundred
other like-minded individuals to form the ‘Ihud’ (‘unity’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>or ‘union’) organisation – which favoured a
binational solution as opposed to partition.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Progressive Zionists wanted to find a solution “that would
open up Palestine for European Jewry but would not infringe on Arab
rights.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Many who were already sympathetic to “the
notion of a binational Palestine” “became more overt supporters” of Ihud ;
though others didn’t want to be linked with Ihud “in the public mind”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By 1942 most American Zionists believed free
migration and a Jewish State in Palestine had become necessary.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, p 294)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">But after the war Magnes did not endorse the offensive
(military and terroristic) strategies against the British.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He opposed “offensive violence”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Following the Holocaust many Jews demanded control
over Jewish migration to Palestine, but Magnes believed a peaceful Palestine
was better for Jews in the end.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(Kotzin, pp 274-276)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In short,
the Holocaust changed everything ; and linked the creation of a Jewish State
with an existential question of Jewish survival. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes’ binational vision was progressively
sidelined.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Magnes was in the end proven correct that partition and a ‘Jewish
State’ would lead to war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the Jewish
State managed to survive regardless. However, the Yom Kippur war of 1973
demonstrated that Israel’s security was in some ways still precarious ; <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and should Israel lose any broader conflict
with Arab nations Jews would probably be treated no better than Arabs were
treated with the Palestinian ‘Nakba’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Leading up to the creation of modern Israel, Kotzin explains how:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-left: 36pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Whereas [Magnes] was previously portrayed as
a fool, now he was characterised as an ‘anti-Zionist’, a traitor to the Jewish
people and the Zionist cause.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hevdah
Ben-Israel thought he “was a traitor advocating an insane idea.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“Zionists increasingly insisted<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that the very existence of the Jewish people
depended on acting with power and strength, which would be undermined by
compromise.” (Kotzin, p 288)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Kotzin explains how both Arab and Jewish leaders failed to
back binationalism in practice. “Magnes’s Reform Judaism and Buber’s religious
socialism both emphasised that religious morality must influence politics.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>“They hoped Ihud would introduce moral and
ethical values into the politics of the Arab-Jewish conflict.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Magnes suggested a universalism based on a
“Strong Jewish identity” ; while Buber claimed the Jewish nation had a
“supernational task” of becoming “a true people” by submitting to God’s demands
of “truth and righteousness”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>“According to Buber, Jews will be a “humanitarian nation” if they say
“we will not do more injustice to others than we are forced to do in order to
exist. Only by saying this do we begin to be responsible for life.” <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Kotzin, pp 297-299)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Magnes was convinced there was an Arab constituency for peace
– but that they were cowed by ‘internal Terror’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Together with others like Martin Buber and Hannah
Arendt he attempted to form a ‘loyal opposition’ to the mainstream Zionist
position from within Zionism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Towards
the end of his life, Magnes continued to promote federalism as a solution to
the conflict.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He was glad to see a
national home for the Jews created with Israel’s declaration of Independence ;
but was deeply troubled by the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Arab
refugees.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sadly, while he had spent a
great deal of time in the old Palestine, he passed away outside of Israel and
never set foot in the newly created state.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">In the 1940s Magnes
lost support because “he failed to understand…that the Arab-Jewish conflict was
no longer [considered the] primary concern.”<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>(instead the focus shifted to the Holocaust, Nazism, refugees)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Kotzin concludes that “by not focusing on
the best means to help Jewish refugees, he failed to sell the binational plan.”<br />
<br />
Today, though, a two-state solution seems a long way away. Jerusalem is united
; and Zionist leaders loathe to consider significant compromise. It seems there
may be ‘one Jewish state’ ; but without meaningful co-determination or mutual
recognition between Jews and Palestinians. But with the Two State Solution
retreating, the project of One State based on co-determination deserves serious
reconsideration. Today - with the rejection of Zionism on most of the Left – it
is easy to forget that those such as Magnes, Arendt and Buber were also
Zionists.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Jewish security could be
preserved with a monopoly on the apparatus of force ; but with structures of
self-governance and identity for both Jews and Palestinians beyond that.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For instance, Arabs have always been at the
margins of Israeli democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That needs
to change in a binational state which is at the same time a safe haven and
Jewish National Home.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Deliberative’ and
inclusive democracy as the way forward. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">And the Israeli Left
needs to become a voice for co-existence and co-determination over the long
term.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Magnes stands as an
example which demonstrates for the broad Left that not all Zionism ought be ‘tarred
with the same brush’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Hence “Zionism”
ought not be a ‘term of abuse’ on the Left. Though the obstacles are great ; with
cautious hope the kind of mutual recognition and coexistence imagined by Magnes
may still prevail over the long term.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Bibliography:<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Kotzin, Daniel.P</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">
, ‘Judah L.Magnes – An American Jewish Non-Conformist’,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Syracuse, New York, 2010<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Loewenstein, Anthony</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;"> ; ‘My Israel Question’ ; Melbourne University
Press, Melbourne, 2006<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">Warburg, James.P</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;">
, ‘Crosscurrents in the Middle East’, Gollancz, London, 1969</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 22.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-27870880943397281222020-11-07T17:14:00.005-08:002020-11-10T17:05:54.391-08:00Democrats need to Galvanise the Working Class to Ensure Future Victories<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj8CofNhgtDJ2rtbVXyQf2B5xHX5xrzxMy4R-gdRK6uV8qraPxmekKstNkEFCNznKpWrDwSMnruMlO_R5dkuPXSDDGinxDlD46wHso2hu13ghnrzkiOpmGkdN0pUKBXxRQgtjZCjwB23Ns/s850/GettyImages-1228132611.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="478" data-original-width="850" height="220" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj8CofNhgtDJ2rtbVXyQf2B5xHX5xrzxMy4R-gdRK6uV8qraPxmekKstNkEFCNznKpWrDwSMnruMlO_R5dkuPXSDDGinxDlD46wHso2hu13ghnrzkiOpmGkdN0pUKBXxRQgtjZCjwB23Ns/w391-h220/GettyImages-1228132611.jpg" width="391" /></a></div><br /><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: #2b00fe;">above: Court Appeals aside, a Biden-Harris victory now seems certain</span></b> </p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span><b><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Dr Tristan Ewins</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">As a Biden-Harris victory becomes
apparent in the United States Presidential race it’s well to consider the various
stratum of voters and how they have determined the result. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The future is still in question. Although
Trump has lost, voters came out for both tickets in record numbers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Democrats need to sustain their current
base, and indeed improve upon it in the future. There’s the question of how the
Democrats might in the future do even better and win control of Congress as a
whole, including the Senate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At the
moment policy gridlock is a real prospect.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Despite Trump's loss people are now speaking
of the white working class as if it is a 'natural' Republican constituency.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In a way the Left in the US let this
happen. Not only did the white working class turn away from the Democrats ; the
US Left turned away from the white working class as well. Today class is seen
as secondary to racial, sexual and gender identity. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In reality all of these things matter
and the Left needs to build a united front. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But be careful telling a white working class
man on minimum wage how privileged they are. Intersectionality needs to be more
complex and nuanced. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need to do more
than just stacking a number of identity categories on top of each other. Rather
we need to look at specific individual circumstance. The working poor – whether
black, latino, white - are not 'privileged' in the big picture.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We also need to look at the social and
economic ‘structure’ (ie: patterned social relations) , and the strategic
position of the working class in this.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Another problem is the myth of
the US 'middle class' ; standing in the way of solidarity between workers more
broadly. The US class structure locks the working poor in place to support the
consumption of middle income Americans ; but leaves 'middle income' Americans
insecure enough to be vulnerable industrially. (the old reserve army of labour
again ; with lack of labour market regulation and industrial rights ; and a
lack of a ‘social safety net’ as well) We need solidarity across the whole
working class ; against the top 10% - the rich and elements of the
self-interested labour aristocracy. 'Middle income' is not the same as 'middle class'.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Again we need to emphasise
solidarity across the whole working class ; but I think the privilege of
working poor white people can be exaggerated. Race, gender and sexuality are
seen as more important in determining privilege than class. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Again: In reality it all matters. That said,
black people have problems with the police which white people don't have. Men
don't have to worry about reproductive rights. There's still homophobia out
there. But it's not helped when some people talk of 'poor white trash' and so
on. The Right understands the meaning of 'divide and conquer', and the Left
should not fall for it.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt;">I'm not saying ignore sexuality, race
and gender. I'm saying what we are doing to a large extent is ignoring class.
I'm saying we're hurting ourselves electorally and culturally by not attempting
to mobilise the working class as a whole. I'm saying you should not just write
someone off because they're a white male. And our language should reflect this.
They could be working poor, unemployed, disabled and so on. Or they could just
be working class ; which is the layer with a broad enough and strategically
placed base to potentially transition from capitalism.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">I'm saying we should also look at
peoples' individual circumstances when working out privilege. The New Social
Movements arising from the 60s onwards are a crucial constituency, and reinvigorated
the Left in many ways. But the fact is workers are still alienated, imiserated
and exploited under capitalism. And the fact is the American Left needs a
strategy to win back white workers - not because they're more important in of
themselves ; but because the working class is stronger when united ; and
there's an important (and sizeable) constituency which can be the difference
between victory and defeat. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">For instance, there is the US Senate
where a Republican majority could potentially stymie meaningful change.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A stronger electoral showing could overcome
this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Race, sexuality and gender are
important ; but we can't allow them to become all-encompassing fault lines.
Again ; it's about divide and conquer. Don't let it happen. So don’t 'write
people off' because of identity categories. Take each person as an individual.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The point is many workers are voting
Republican and they shouldn't be. What's gone wrong here and how can we fix it?<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Some people are trying to pin the blame
on ‘academic elites’ ; with ‘Critical theory’ and ‘Cultural Marxism’ depicted
as alienating the working class. But critical theory is diverse. Habermas is
less about 'identity' than Marcuse. While Habermas looks at 'Legitimation
Crisis' stemming from attacks on the welfare state, Marcuse looks to New Social
Movements to 'fill the vacuum'. The problem is that the working class as seen
by Marcuse in the 1960s is not the same as today's working class. Today's
working class has not been 'bought off' by prosperity ; but is highly exploited
and alienated. In particular there is job insecurity, a weakened labour
movement, and a falling wage share of the economy. But a 'popular front' of
working class and New Social Movements is the only way to win today. So the
Right pays great attention to dividing us against one another with narratives
on ‘political correctness’ and the like.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>The Left needs a narrative which engages with more socially-conservative
workers while not compromising on principle.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In Australia we don't campaign
effectively on class either. We need to make peoples' economic self-interest
transparent. If we could do that we wouldn't have to worry so much about
"aspirationals".<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Looking at how many votes Sanders got
the liberals still do need the socialists in the Democratic Party. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(and vice-versa)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Biden's victory is largely because the Left
base turned out. This needs to be impressed upon Biden so that Biden makes it a
top priority to deliver on policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An
active industry policy creating new manufacturing jobs – especially in ‘rust
belt’ states – could be offered in return for health reform (a public option) and
a $15 minimum wage. (indexed) If the Republicans refuse to come to the table
here they turn their backs on the working class constituency the Democrats must
try and win back. So perhaps they will be open to a compromise favouring the
Democrat policy agenda. And then the Democrats can take credit for the policy
as well.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Antonio Gramsci talked of a ‘counter-hegemonic
historic bloc’ ; an articulated alliance of forces – including the organised and conscious
working class ; and ‘organic intellectuals’ embedded in that class – as the key
to socialist transition. To this today we must add the New Social Movements.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A counter-hegemonic historic bloc must include the
broad working class ; and if meaningful progress is to be attained the Left
cannot allow large swathes of that class to remain feeling alienated from, and
over-looked by the Left. </span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"><br /></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-size: 12pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In short, this means appealing to the working class as a whole ; and emphasising class at least as much as race, gender and sexuality. It means not allowing a critique of race and gender to prevent us from identifying class-based disadvantage. It means not "writing off" white male workers because of race and gender ; but rather applying a nuanced intersectionality which appreciates peoples' unique circumstances. And building solidarity based on this inclusive approach.<o:p></o:p></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-43337674196560465042020-10-28T15:37:00.003-07:002020-10-28T15:37:32.107-07:00Responding to the Legacy of George Orwell<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5SoAi0fJP9rbm2jmq2ma2N5W1mAghlVZuRdTUumcgyyBJjzOMtlSJdbFMopdwnPvUXKn2QBthCTxT929XuNnnIELIHLtMvyJcp9C_rnthD59IGpXCNBBiNKwGIMfnZtllko-w2dxr3C0/s575/BDD88776-CC7F-485F-AA30-0FA1EE871796-e1602500358526.jpeg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="335" data-original-width="575" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi5SoAi0fJP9rbm2jmq2ma2N5W1mAghlVZuRdTUumcgyyBJjzOMtlSJdbFMopdwnPvUXKn2QBthCTxT929XuNnnIELIHLtMvyJcp9C_rnthD59IGpXCNBBiNKwGIMfnZtllko-w2dxr3C0/s320/BDD88776-CC7F-485F-AA30-0FA1EE871796-e1602500358526.jpeg" width="320" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm; text-align: center;"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Dr Tristan Ewins <o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><br />
Just the other day I was a participant in a debate on George Orwell. One person
argued that Orwell was opposed to Left Authoritarianism, and as a consequence
would be opposed to ‘Antifa.’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(For those
who don’t know, ‘Antifa’ is a broad anti-fascist popular front, often led by
anarchists)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Another person responded by
saying Orwell was really a social democrat, and spent his life fighting
fascism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Orwell is used to discredit the
Antifa cause – in a process that is, well, ‘Orwellian’.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Both people were right in their own way ; but despite the problems with
Leninism it is best not to get it entirely mixed up with Stalinism. (though
they are historically linked)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Orwell himself was a socialist, and fought in
Spain against Franco.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(with the POUM –
which translates as ‘Workers Party of Marxist Unification’)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
legacy of George Orwell is too important to reduce it to a critique of
‘socialist totalitarianism’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Yes, there
is an anti-Stalinist aspect to ‘Animal Farm’ and ‘1984’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Orwell’s opposition to ‘totalitarianism’
is deeper than this ; and capitalism is increasingly portrayed as an
‘absolute’: ‘total capitalism’.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Tactically and in principle it’s also dangerous to avoid the use of the
word ‘socialism’ by arguing for ‘social democracy’ <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">instead.</i></b><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By using both terms<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> together</i></b> we get a better
sense that ‘socialism’ and ‘social democracy’ once meant the same thing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(and
perhaps could again)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Social Democracy’
is more complex than just ‘the post-war mixed economy, Keynesianism and welfare
state’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the original social
democratic (socialist) tradition deserves to be rescued, despite Rosa
Luxemburg’s insistence it had become a “rotting corpse” on account of its
response to World War One.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br />
<br />
In truth, most of global social democracy did capitulate on the issue of the War
; and this was the flashpoint which saw the rise of Leninism and its opposition
to the rest of the Left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(importantly,
Luxemburg herself was what we may call a ‘libertarian socialist’ and was
critical of Leninism’s practice of ‘democratic centralism’ following the
revolution as well)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Here we have to
distinguish, also, between ‘democratic centralism’ as a mode of organisation prior
to 1917 on the one hand, and what it mutated into later under Lenin ; and worse
so under Stalin.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But figures like Julius
Martov and Karl Kaustsky resonated with their criticisms of Bolshevism, also,
and in so doing left a legacy for radical social democracy. (socialism) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And the Austro-Marxists and their so-called
‘Two and a Half international’ also stand as a reminder that there were
alternatives between Leninism and Right Social Democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For many years ‘Red Vienna’ was considered a
model of radical (socialist) social democracy. It also involved a ‘workers
army’ (Schutzbund) which was meant to be a ‘final defence’ for ‘the democratic
path’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ironically,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>it succumbed to an indigenous ‘clerical
fascism’ itself because it could not decide how to fight ; or when; or where.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Austria’s levels of high quality public
housing are an enduring legacy as well.<br />
<br />
When people criticise Leninism they often neglect that Leninism originally
still allowed for mass participation in the Vanguard Party. (ie: a party of
professional revolutionaries whose job it is to lead the revolutionary working
class ; often under conditions of capitalist state repression) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is also a tension, here, between the original
‘Vanguard’ role of these parties, and later gestures towards mass
participation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This goes to the question
of whether a ‘one party state’ can be truly democratic. The answer depends on
freedom of participation and organisation, and the absence of internal Terror.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Stalin went one step further than Lenin and
imposed Terror WITHIN the Party and the whole of society. Up until after the
Revolution Leninism allowed for factions as well. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Terror is undesirable anyway, and tends to expand as centralism
increases beyond a certain point.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Thus
far, Rosa Luxemburg is correct in her critique of Leninism. The problem is that
war and foreign intervention left limited choices ; and this helped lead to
tragedy.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">So it depends what you mean by Leninism. There's democratic centralism
and the Vanguard Party. Following the Menshevist/Bolshevist split of 1903 (see:
'What is to be Done?' - it is the definitive text on Bolshevist organisation ;
written in 1901, published in 1902) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And
then there's certain policies which followed: Terror (first outside of, then
inside of the Party as well – increasingly pervasive and indiscriminate),
labour militarisation, banning of factions and of other socialist parties, and
so on. The point is that Stalinism took all this <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">to a different level</i> ; and democratic centralism was originally
predicated on freedom WITHIN the party (but discipline in between Conferences ;
partly as a defence against state repression). <br />
<br />
That said, there was a logic to Leninism, which in the context of Entente and
other foreign intervention, civil war, the threat of starvation and of people
freezing to death – helped lead eventually to Stalinism. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>More and more extreme measures were taken
(largely defensively) ; and led to permanent repression.<br />
<br />
In contrast, though, I don't believe in Leninist centralism. One reason is that
in certain contexts it means the suppression of debate between Conferences. I
also believe it's inevitable factions will organise ; and forcibly suppressing
factions just favours the ruling stratum. Finally, I share Rosa Luxemburg’s
love of freedom, and recognise that while Leninism and then Stalinism resulted
in certain ‘victories’, over the long term these resulted in an object lesson
which was used to discredit the Left, and justify policies like McCarthyism. (anti-socialist
hysteria and repression) <br />
<br />
The problem is: What was the 'way out' in Russia at the time? A purely liberal
response may have ended in White victory, a continuation of the slaughter of
World War One, and Tsarist Restoration. Also remember that the Bolsheviks were
the only Party willing to pull out of World War One pretty much
unconditionally. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Maybe the solution was
‘dual power’ – with co-existence of Soviets, the Constituent Assembly and the
Red Army.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Leninism - warts and all - has problems ; but remember the context of
World War One, threatened starvation and social collapse as well. And the
liberal parties wanted to continue that war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Even the Left Social Revolutionaries took this approach - resulting in
an assassination attempt on Lenin. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Remember that the French Revolution was bloody as well ; but the tactics
of the Jacobins didn't forever discredit democracy or liberalism. By contrast
we are constantly told that Leninism and Stalinism have forever discredited
socialism. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Better to avoid the dilemmas the Bolsheviks faced in the first place -
because it was bound to end tragically. But appreciate the moral complexity. The
Russian Revolution came on the tail end of a War that killed over 20 million
people. Some of the same people who are critical on Leninism will try and
justify the First World War. And ignore the long list of Western Cold War
atrocities. (for example, the brutal mass murder of half a million communists
and labour movement activists in 1960s Indonesia)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"> <br />
Importantly: liberal democracy ultimately triumphed. But only because it was
able to ‘tame’ and internalise the broad left within a practical capitalist
consensus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And eventually a virtual
neo-liberal consensus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Still: “liberal
democracy” is worth defending as opposed to the alternative of Stalinism or a
Corporatist State. (ie: fascism)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now
that it lacks opponents on the Left, we see liberal democracy attracting
critics on the Right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(so much for ‘The End of History – a term
coined by the liberal Hegelian, Francis Fukuyama after the collapse of the
Soviet Union) Here it is well to defend Liberal Democracy . At least it retains
freedoms which make liberation imaginable ; and even its limited freedoms are
preferable to the Rightist alternative)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Libertarianism of both the Right and the Left when authentically
expressed are not as bad as fascism. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A
true libertarian would defend the rights of unions and their workers to
withdraw labour. And would treat free speech as a universal. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A fascist would work through a corporatist
nationalist state that suppressed opposition violently, and promoted a
literally illiberal Ideology. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By
‘corporatism’ we mean the forcible union of capital and labour under
authoritarian state nationalism. (though certain variations on ‘corporatism’ –
eg: Sweden – saw rather an institutionalisation of class struggle and the
mobilisation of ‘Power Resources’)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A
true Left libertarian would be sympathetic to the cause of ‘Antifa.’ <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A right-libertarian would accept their right
to participate and exist. Personally, I consider myself a socialist liberal.
That said, all organisations can be penetrated by agent provocateurs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And ‘ultra-leftism’ is often mistaken.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Remember, also, Marx said of the bourgeoisie that it would 'snort' at
its republic "Better end with Terror than Terror without End". (written
in 1852, largely in response to the context of the 1848 Revolutions) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Trump understands this and seeks a predicate
for repression based on 'law and order'. Agent provocateurs understand this
also and act accordingly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(‘End with
Terror’ itself can also lead to ‘Terror without End’ under Fascism ; and Hitler
came close to winning the Second World War at several points)<br />
<br />
The Left needs to respond strategically.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>We should not disavow militancy generally ; and practically disarm
ourselves.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But neither should we support
every act of militancy when this will result in our isolation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is a dilemma.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Rosa Luxemburg talked of “spontaneity of the
masses” : a ‘dialectic’ between revolutionary working class self-initiative and
the leadership of a revolutionary party.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>In a way she is right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the
other hand, unrestrained rebellion can work as a pretext for State Terror.
Think of the rise of Mussolini and fascism in the 1920s in Italy following a
period of revolutionary upsurge.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;">Also, under Stalinism Western Communist Parties were often restrained to
further Soviet Foreign policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dulling
the class struggle.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But sometimes there
is wisdom in restraint.<br />
<br />
There is also wisdom in taking the initiative at the right time ; including
militant strategies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Left needs to
be nuanced enough to know the difference.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0cm;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-AU;"><br />
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">This
article was originally published at ‘The Australian Independent Media Network’<o:p></o:p></i></b></span></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-68639343411581935722020-10-08T23:48:00.009-07:002020-10-09T21:17:35.221-07:00'Supply Side' Budget Stimulus - Government could have done more for 'Battlers' and Women<p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi05u3t3OPh8BXCtMuxZWgvtlUzUw6lWs__Sc3IVgEa6boS9uGs6QQRMyoScFaeDMHbrR0q5w5euIph4osckS0AnDgolnXjyxgzPY1INECkUK-Yu1OqjCKrX916SrHrjc5U999hbf6RbLA/s862/11525202-16x9-xlarge.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="485" data-original-width="862" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi05u3t3OPh8BXCtMuxZWgvtlUzUw6lWs__Sc3IVgEa6boS9uGs6QQRMyoScFaeDMHbrR0q5w5euIph4osckS0AnDgolnXjyxgzPY1INECkUK-Yu1OqjCKrX916SrHrjc5U999hbf6RbLA/s320/11525202-16x9-xlarge.jpg" width="320" /></a></div></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b style="text-align: left;"><br /></b></div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b style="text-align: left;">above:Anthony Albanese has called for more funds for Child Care and Social Housing</b></div><p></p><p><br /></p><p><b>Dr Tristan Ewins</b></p><p>The 2020 Federal Budget projects a deficit of some $213
billion – a far cry from the previously projected surplus. An already sluggish economy – hit now by
Covid-induced economic collapse – left no option but massive stimulus – lest
the nation sink into a Depression. </p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In a way it is encouraging that the government has thrown
away the book on neo-liberal orthodoxy to some extent. A contractionary budget would have been disastrous. A notable amount of the stimulus (about $6 billion) comprises wage subsidies aimed at the young – with the aim of supporting some 450,000 jobs. The plight of the older unemployed – thrown onto the Jobseeker scrapheap – is another question. In the
largest single measure over $26 billion
in tax breaks will be delivered to business to write off the value of new
investment by June 2022. There will also
be a $4.9 billion “loss carry-back scheme” enabling businesses “to claim refunds or offsets on taxes in
previous years.” Importantly, the third
round of tax cuts – aimed at high income earners – has not been brought
forward - in a win for Labor and the
Greens. But the business sweeteners are
not consistently tied to job creation and job retention – so for all that money
there are no guarantees for workers.
According to ACTU President, Michelle O’Neil, the government also
projects zero wage growth even if there is economic growth in the coming years.</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In Aged Care, $1.6 billion will provide 23,000 home care
packages. But this is below demand, and there are no big plans to reform
residential care.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps this will come
with the final findings of the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Aged Care
Royal Commission and the next election: but the need is urgent and ought not be
put off.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In fact it is dubious the
Conservatives will find the money for comprehensive Aged Care reform: Home Care
and Residential packages to meet demand ; with quotas for Aged Care Workers and
registered nurses, a winding back of user pays, exercise and GP visits for all
residents, and an emphasis on quality of life. It will be up to Labor and the
Greens to put up a fight, though disappointingly Labor has known about these
problems for over a decade, and is only making the right noises now with the
focus provided by the Royal Commission.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>We are talking many billions of dollars annually to make a difference
over the long term.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">‘The Age’ reports that “about 11.5 million workers will get
up to $2745 more in their pay packets this financial year”.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though the raising of the threshold of
32.5 per cent to $120,000 from $90,000 is arguably badly targeted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And support for pensioners and the unemployed
is insufficient, with a total of $500 in payments to Aged Pensioners meant to
bring relief and fuel spending. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>More for
those on<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>low incomes and welfare would
have a greater stimulatory effect, and would contribute to fairness.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the other hand the low income tax offset
will rise from $445 to $700 in a modest but welcome measure. <o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Importantly, of the new spending measures only $6.7 billion
is going to the states for new infrastructure.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Including other infrastructure
measures the figure is closer to $10 billlion extra over ten years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The government’s main emphasis is in
providing support and incentives to ‘kickstart’ business as opposed to measures
directly supporting consumption at the low and middle ends ; although increased
business confidence would support jobs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Budget measures emphasise the ‘supply
side’ but neglects the ‘demand side’ when it comes to low income earners, the
unemployed and pensioners.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
opportunity to permanently raise Jobseeker appears to have been neglected, and
many jobs will be lost with the premature withdrawal of Jobkeeper.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Of most concern, stimulus is not a ‘black hole’. Getting
people spending and back to work is part of a ‘virtuous cycle’ which can
restore growth and rejuvenate the government’s balance sheet.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With record low interest rates the time has
never been better for investment, and the Government could have done more here.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The economy’s pre-existing weaknesses have not helped ; but
a Labor Government could not have avoided a Covid recession.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As Labor has argued it will be putting the
case for ‘better bang for our buck’ in the stimulus. This should mean more
emphasis on those on low incomes and welfare, and providing support where it
will grow spending and investment in jobs most vigorously. Too many businesses will be pocketing these 'sweeteners' without necessarily creating jobs.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">In response to the Budget, Anthony Albanese has committed to
further child care subsidies and half a billion to refurbish public
housing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We need wage subsidies for child
care and early education workers as well however.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> And also subsidies for consumers of child care and early childhood education. </span>Both as a matter of fairness (for child care
and early education workers – and women workers more generally) ; to get more women working, and to
attract talented educators into the field. Also with housing out of reach for
so many people a big investment (into the billions) in public housing now could
both stimulate the economy and promote affordability.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Modern Monetary Theory supposes government can issue
currency to ensure a ‘full employment guarantee’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Such stimulus is part of the picture, but can
be limited by inflation and currency devaluation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though inflation seems unlikely in the current
environment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Redistribution can’t be done properly and
fairly without tax ; but MMT has something to contribute to this debate. The government's projections on unemployment are nowhere near ambitious enough.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">If Labor was in government this kind of stimulus would be
derided as an ‘irresponsible’ ‘cash splash’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Consensus that stimulus is part of the way forward in times of economic weakness
is at least a good thing in itself.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It
sees Conservative arguments against the Rudd stimulus of the Global Financial
Crisis (GFC) blown metaphorically out of the water.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor governments of the future will be able
to point to the current effective consensus on SOME form of stimulus to help
justify their own efforts when governing in times of downturn
or stagnation. Which will inevitably come as part of the capitalist cycle. But this government's emphasis on the 'supply side' of the equation is nowhere near discriminatory enough.<o:p></o:p></p>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-59424753347311052472020-05-25T00:18:00.002-07:002020-05-27T21:57:18.753-07:00Covid 19 has hit the economy hard; But where is the Recovery going to come from?<br />
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</b>
<br />
<div style="text-align: center;">
<b><b><span style="color: blue;">Richard Denniss of The Australia Institute thinks the Economy will not simply 'snap back' after the Covid-19 Crisis. A long term government role is required</span>.</b></b></div>
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</b>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">Dr Tristan Ewins<o:p></o:p></b></div>
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Covid 19 has hit the Australian economy hard.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By some estimates the Australian economy
will shrink by approximately 7 per cent in 2020.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Maybe more.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>That’s a virtually unprecedented recession.<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-04-15/how-coronavirus-crisis-compares-to-1990s-recession-australia/12148020">https://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-04-15/how-coronavirus-crisis-compares-to-1990s-recession-australia/12148020</a><br />
<br />
Shutting down workplaces: hospitality and tourism, higher education and some
manufacturing: comes at an enormous cost.<o:p></o:p></div>
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We can’t put a price on peoples’ lives and peoples’
health.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But many people will need to
sacrifice to ‘spread the burden’ of funding recovery.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Some have suggested a ‘HECS-style loan’ for those unemployed
as a consequence of this crisis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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Because
this discriminates, it is unfair. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Richard Denniss – speaking on ABC radio – is correct
about this.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though I think he is wrong
about HECS more broadly.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Income
contingent loans to pay for government<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>support of individuals during the crisis would mean a veritable ‘labour
market lottery’ as to who was left with debt. Denniss agrees with this much.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But also ‘income contingent loans’ have a longer history of losing their
progressivity as governments reduce thresholds to help pay for other endeavours
– such as ubiquitous corporate welfare.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Also will the government temporarily increase corporate tax <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>during the recovery period to service debts
incurred supporting the private sector during the crisis?<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<a href="https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/sundayextra/the-lasting-economic-damage-from-the-covid-19/12223194">https://www.abc.net.au/radionational/programs/sundayextra/the-lasting-economic-damage-from-the-covid-19/12223194</a><br />
<br />
The government’s stimulus has provided a lifeline for many.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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But one rational assumption is that the economy won’t simply
‘snap back’ at the end of a six month period ; and as a consequence the government
cannot afford to ‘step back’ and just let the private sector ‘fill the breach’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The real economy doesn’t work like this.<o:p></o:p></div>
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In hospitality and tourism the structural effects on the
economy could last quite some time. We don’t know whether there will be a ‘second
wave’ or whether we will ‘break the back’ of the spread in this country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But global travel will take years to ‘get
back to normal’, and the US and the UK are still deep in crisis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The ACT and Northern Territory also understandably
want to reap the benefits of wiping out the virus, and don’t want it
reintroduced from interstate.<o:p></o:p></div>
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On the other hand the crisis provides an opportunity to broaden
and deepen the public sector to create the ‘economic infrastructure’ around
which recovery will occur.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Make
strategic infrastructure investments, as well as structural improvements in
public services ; unemployment services ; in Health, Aged care and disability
services ; in welfare, transport, communications, arts. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> The NDIS needs to be more accessible, with 'consumers' interests protected more vigorously. The CES (or 'Centrelink' these days) should be refunded as a 'one stop shop' for job-seekers - but without the usual harassment and humiliation. </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> Homelessness could be addressed 'head on' with a big investment in public housing. </span>Fix the
NBN with ‘fibre-to-the-home’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> A big public investment in renewables. </span>And coming
out of the crisis: Have an active industry policy which strategically supports
and invests in high wage manufacturing. <br />
<br />
This is also an ideal opportunity to progressively reform welfare across the board ; and lift job-seekers out of poverty.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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On ABC radio high speed rail was inferred as perhaps a ‘dubious
investment’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But it could drive growth
in the regions, with a flow on of jobs and affordable housing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As well as containment of urban sprawl and
the transport crises that ensue from that.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The simple truth is that the public sector might have to
pick up the slack on the economy for some time to come if there is to be any
chance of a recovery.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And if we navigate
this in the right way it can present an opportunity.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) holds that as the issuer of the
currency the government can create money at will to invest and ensure a ‘full
employment guarantee’. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Though this is
limited by real economic constraints concerning the scale and nature of goods
and services actually produced in the economy at the end of the day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In some instances there might also be
inflation ; and you cannot ‘create money’ to fund an infinite influx of
imports.<o:p></o:p></div>
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<br /></div>
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But full employment is in everyone’s interests: so long as
there is an ‘efficiency dividend’ which provides benefits for all ; and so long
as consultation with unions ensures there is no endless ‘wage-price spiral’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Higher
employment has a ‘multiplier effect’ on the broader economy that also makes
debts easier to service. At the same time, the wage share of the economy has
been falling for decades ; and long term there is a need for a structural
correction which could also create extra demand in the economy. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></div>
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As part of this picture there should be
reform of the labour market improving compensation in low-paid jobs – either with
regulation, or through the social wage. (or both)<o:p></o:p></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br />
Modern Monetary Theory has been somewhat skeptical of the
role of taxation, claiming it ‘takes money out of the economy’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But this need not be the case if all that
money is spent ; if indeed there is a stimulus.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Taxation also allows for a much more finely targeted redistribution of
wealth: which should be desirable for progressives.<br />
<br />
As MMT theorists also recognise, state governments in Australia cannot issue currency.<o:p></o:p></div>
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The current public health crisis is going to cause much more
pain before it is overcome.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the
right kind of policies on investment, industry policy, welfare and stimulus can
minimise that pain, and even help ensure in the end we come out of the crisis
stronger.<br />
<br />
<br />
<i><span style="color: blue;">(nb: I'm wanting to publish this article elsewhere as well ; but I'm interested in feedback from readers on how I can improve the piece before I do that ; looking forward to comments :) )</span></i><br />
<br />
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<o:p></o:p></div>
<br />Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com5tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-35488952406764896522019-11-04T01:37:00.000-08:002020-06-02T20:09:06.189-07:00On Socialism Today - Planning a Way Forward<br />
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><o:p><span style="color: blue; font-size: large;">The following article - which the author plans to submit for publication by the Australian Fabians - is an in depth survey of the background and options for democratic socialism in Australia and the world. The idea is to spark debate in the lead up to a series of events in Victoria planned for 2020. Your contributions to the debate are also welcome!</span></o:p></b></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 16.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Dr Tristan
Ewins<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Socialistic sentiment can be traced back to the slave revolt
of Spartacus and Peasant uprisings in Europe ; for instance that led by Thomas
Muntzer in Germany.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But ‘modern
socialism’ began with those labelled as ‘utopians’ by Karl Marx.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Figures like Robert Owen – who personally
wanted to convince the bourgeoisie (and nobility) of an egalitarian, communal
society based around the means of production.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(specifically communes of up to
3,000 people) And all those others who depended on a ‘socialist vision’ to
convince people of the desirability of a socialist order ; as opposed to
Marxists who based their approach on ‘the fact of class struggle’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Generally, socialists preferred equality ; an end to
exploitation ; extension of democracy to the economy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Marxists wanted to socialise the means of
production to end both exploitation and the destructiveness and wastefulness
of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>capitalism and its boom-bust cycle.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">But Marx had another criticism of capitalism ; and that was
the way in which the division of labour and demanding nature of much work
traumatised workers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This was his theory of Alienation. Today in
Australia for instance we are a world away from the working conditions of the
19<sup>th</sup> Century.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But in call
centres, offices and factories the division of labour can still exclude
creative control and work fulfilment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Indeed,
work conditions can still be traumatising.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">In Germany where the class struggle was advanced the Social
Democrats arose as a combination of the Marxists (Eisenachers) and the
Lassalleans.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Lassalleans (led originally
by Ferdinand Lasssalle) believed in industry-wide co-operatives with state
aid.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Eventually Marxism became
dominant.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But by 1914 in Germany
right-wing ‘socialists’ had come to predominate in unions and the parliament,
and those people eschewed internationalism and supported the First World War.<br />
<br />
Before World War One both the European and British socialists supported the
class struggle and the fight for universal suffrage to advance workers’
rights.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Britain was relatively
liberal ; and this resulted in less emphasis on revolution and more emphasis on
incrementalism.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Fabianism arose in the 1880s ; and came to represent a
movement to influence opinion in liberal and progressive circles. Especially in
the Labour Party in Britain.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Beatrice
and Sidney Webb (prominent British Fabians) expressed sympathy with the
achievements of Soviet Communism – but that view did not last.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some Fabians would focus on practical public
policy ; others on the more radical aim of incrementally replacing capitalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Again: Generally Fabians were gradualist
rather than supporting a ‘sudden rupture’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Modern Australian Fabianism shared the British Fabian
principles and was formed organisationally in 1947.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The height of Fabian influence was in the
Whitlam Labor Government.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">After World War One the broad Left was generally divided into
Communist, Social </span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Democratic and Labourist Camps.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although pockets of Social Democracy
remained highly radical – as in Austria in the 1917 to 1934 period. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(Austro-Marxism)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>These sought a ‘middle path’ between
Bolshevism and ‘mainstream’ international social democracy. And there were
anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists – who were significant in the Spanish Republican
forces and the fight against the Nazi-backed fascist insurgency of Franco in the Spanish Civil War.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">From the 1940s through to the 1980s Swedish Social Democracy
enjoyed remarkable success (replicated to various degrees in other Nordic countries)
with full employment, active industry policy, strong unions, and a strong
welfare state.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For the overwhelming
majority of this period Social Democrats held government. Basically workers
received social security in return for a ‘corporatist settlement’ including
wage restraint. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The full employment
achieved under the ‘Rehn-Meidner model’ also made a stronger welfare state
possible. Though Walter Korpi conceived of the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Swedish situation differently:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>as
a ‘democratic class struggle’, involving mobilisation of ‘Power Resources’ and
compromise depending on the balance of class power. But in the 70s and 80s
Sweden also had to respond to the Oil Shocks and devalue the Krona.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The ‘Meidner Wage Earner Funds’ plan sought
to compensate workers for wage restraint by giving them collective capital
share.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But this implied a radical
redistribution of wealth over time.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> Also - because it appealed only to workers and not to <i><b>citizens</b>, </i>it could be argued that the funds could have included a wider base. (which is democratically preferable anyway)<i> </i></span>Capitalists went on the offensive : socialists on the defensive. And
there has been a slow retreat since. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Up until and including the 1970s and 1980s there remained strong pockets of
radicalism in many Labourist and Social Democratic Parties.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But the Oil Shocks of the 70s and the drive
to restore profits divided the Left and led to Socialist retreat.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also the Soviet Collapse during 1989-1991 had
an enormously demoralising effect on the Western Left ; despite the fact the
Western Left had long distanced itself from Stalinism. It’s not unreasonable to
see the Gorbachev reform movement as a window of opportunity ; and a missed
opportunity.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">From Hawke and Keating onwards Australian Labor has broadly
internalised neo-liberal Ideology.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Small
government, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>privatisation, free trade,
limits on the liberties of organised labour, trade agreements which give
capital an effective ‘veto’ on regulation and public sector expansion. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Marxism used to have a strong base in the
Socialist Left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But increasingly the
factions have lost ideological cohesion ; and have been subsumed in the
mainstream political discourse.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Indeed, the experience of Hawke and Keating
inspired Tony Blair and Antony Giddens with their ‘Third Way’ or ‘Radical
Social Democratic Centre’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In the 19<sup>th</sup>
and early 20<sup>th</sup> Centuries ‘Centrism’ had been a largely Catholic
phenomenon including limited support for trade unions, labour market regulation
and welfare.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Since Giddens and Blair the
‘Third Way’ has come to represent ‘neo-liberalism with<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>a human face’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Punitive welfare on the one hand, but also
the principle there should be an economic and social ‘floor’ below which no-one
should be allowed to fall.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Blair also
marginally increased tax.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(will
Australian Labor still consider tax reform for the next election?)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But he would not retreat an inch in opposing
any re-socialisation – no matter how badly privatisation had failed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(eg: of railways)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In Australia more recently ‘Centrism’ as
epitomised by the ‘Centre Alliance’ struggles to maintain a credible liberalism
– let alone any kind of social democracy. For instance there was conditional
support for the ‘Ensuring Integrity’ union-busting legislation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Today ‘Centrism’ in Australia can<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>mean a shallow populism cashing in on broad
disillusionment with the two party system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Significant parts of the ALP Right consider themselves ‘Centrist’ after
the Blairite model. Blairites also generally accept capitalism as a given.</span><span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Fast-forward to 2019 and ‘What is to be done?’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Capitalism remains more vulnerable than people think. There
is much focus on public debt, but private debt is a ‘ticking time bomb’ that
could lead to loss of confidence, panic and collapse. In Australia, the US and much of the world private debt is many times the level of public debt. The Australian economy
especially has come to rest on the housing bubble. Millions are locked out of
home ownership ; but sudden and radical devaluation would cause panic and
collapse.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The boom-bust cycle remains a
fact: but governments focused on public debt are less likely to engage in
counter-cyclical measures. This could one day mean recession (or Depression) as
the ‘solution’ to indebtedness. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Modern
Monetary Theory (MMT) has it that government can ‘create money’ at will ; but
this is not without limits. It involves a<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>degree of redistribution which capitalists hate – but also
inflation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Progressive tax is still more
effective at redistributing wealth in a targeted and progressive way.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But certainly the MMT crowd are on to
something.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">The Labor Party today is probably inclined to want to ‘save
capitalism from itself’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The welfare
state and higher minimum wages can assist by boosting expenditure and
demand.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A return to a meaningfully mixed
economy can help by reducing cost structures via natural public monopolies. This
could flow on to the private sector as well.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>As well, this could counter oligopolistic collusion – for instance in
banking.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(actually promoting
competition)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Higher government
expenditure can also add money to the economy ; increase demand ; and
ameliorate the explosion of private debt – which is a ticking time-bomb for the
economy. (here and globally)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">An expanded social wage, welfare state, collective
consumption and social insurance – can also provide social justice and social
security. Think reformed pensions – easing means testing and increasing
payments.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Public housing.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Better-funded schools and hospitals. More
money for the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>More efficient public provision of infrastructure. (because of a better
rate of borrowing and a ‘public interest test’ rather than share value and
dividend maximisation)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also consider
National Aged Care Insurance and a withdrawal of regressive user-pays mechanisms.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>As well as a retreat of user-pays in
Education.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">These are ameliorative reforms that can improve peoples’
lives.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But Australia is still captive to
the global economy and will suffer along the rest of the world in any ‘general
downturn’ or ‘collapse’.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Over the long term we still need to think about an
alternative to capitalism. Sub-Prime and the Global Financial Crisis did not
only reveal instability – It also revealed the gap between Use Value and
Exchange Value as Marx would put it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="color: black;">That is: there was an abundance of housing amidst widespread
destitution and homelessness.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span>This
is a real capitalist failing and vulnerability.<br />
<br />
Marx’s weakness was that he did not propose any concrete alternative vision to
capitalism. He assumed ‘the class struggle would take care of things’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>So
maybe in part the ‘Utopian Socialists’ were on to something?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The context of class struggle had to be
engaged with ; but also concrete visions for the future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Today perhaps we need ‘provisional utopias’.
We cannot afford to be ‘a force of pure negation’ with no vision for the
future. Especially after the real historical experience of Stalinism.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">But capitalism is a globally-reinforcing system.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>You can’t just ‘go it alone’ in
revolutionising the entire economy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>There are economic AND political constraints.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">But what can be done is to begin a process of ‘revolutionary
reforms’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Say in the spirit of the
interwar Austrian Social Democrats. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even
today in Austria there is a legacy in Vienna of 60% public housing – and
overwhelmingly high quality public housing. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A ‘democratic mixed economy’ would stabilise
capitalism (through strategic socialisation and redistribution) while at the
same time advancing towards an alternative.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>As in Austria this would also involve a counter culture: a rebuilding
and reassertion of the labour movement ; but also a coalition with other social
movements.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What Gramsci would have
called a <b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">‘counter-hegemonic historic
bloc’</b>. That also involves establishing online presences ; other
publications ; public meetings ; progressive radio and television ; social
events of various kinds ; plays ; workers’ sport ; radical music etc.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Establishing footholds where-ever possible.<br />
<br />
Importantly the decline of industrial labour (with ‘deindustrialisation’) has
widely meant a decline in class consciousness.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Service sector workers can be just as exploited ; but are more likely to
think themselves ‘middle class’ or lack class consciousness.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We can and should fight this. But the
industrial working class might not any longer be seen (in the Marxist sense) as
a ‘finally redemptive’ ‘universal historic subject’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The labour movement is central: but the
modern Left also needs alliances.<br />
<br />
And should another Global Financial Crisis occur the big finance houses should
not be ‘bailed out at the public’s expense’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Where the public sector steps in (if that occurs) it should retain a
share in ownership.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Of course when it comes to advanced socialist transition
bourgeois economic and political resistance has to be expected.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br />
<br />
The ‘democratic mixed economy’ should be the short to medium term model.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>That includes a key place for natural public
monopolies, strategic government business enterprises , consumers and workers
co-operatives of various sorts (including multi-stakeholder co-ops which bring
workers, governments and regions together) , mutualist associations . As well
as ‘collective capital formation’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>( The
Meidner Funds were such ; In Australia superannuation was a very pale imitation
which may actually endanger welfare into the future by narrowing its base)
‘Multi-stakeholder co-ops’ are an important idea - as they could enable
expansions of economies of scale to retain competitiveness under capitalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All
these are part of a concrete alternative.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><br />
<br />
There is also a need to restore and consolidate industrial liberties ; to
increase organised labour’s power ; its ability to deliver ; and hence its
coverage, strength, and ability to contribute to change.<br />
<br />
Furthermore: how do we tackle ‘alienation’ today in Marx’s sense?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even with deindustrialisation, workers
still find themselves alienated in modern professions – for instance call
centre workers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The ‘post-industrial
utopia’ has so far failed to emerge.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At
the least we can improve wages and conditions for the most exploited and
alienated workers with low-end labour market regulation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(and maybe government subsidies where the
market will not bear higher wages)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps
enabling a reduction of the working week for<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>many.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(though others would crave
longer hours)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Free time’ is perhaps one
alternative (for now) to Marx’s vision of a communism where workers regained
creative control ; and labour becomes ‘life’s prime want’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(a quote from Marx)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But ‘alienation’ is a feature of broader Modernity
and not only capitalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The rise of
co-operatives could at least facilitate worker control – also ameliorating
alienation.<br />
<br />
In the final instance we need to think of where improvements in productivity
could lead. Either to greater equality, plenty and free time for everyone.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Or in the capitalist context only the
intensification of growth, profit and exploitation. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And possibly greater inequality if we do not
socialise much of the gains of productivity. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>What Marx called the ‘coercive laws of
competition’<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>means that competition
forces a focus on productivity for capitalist profit and short term economic
advantage.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The problem is finding a way out of this
‘circuit’. (as well as the intensification of exploitation ; and a 'lagging behind in wages' in labour intensive areas where productivity improvements are hard to come by) We need to think where free trade and internationalism fit in to
this problem.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There are environmental
implications as well. Capitalism by its very nature will trend towards the
‘endless growth’ option.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Perhaps if the
emphasis is on information and service industries it could be more environmentally
sustainable.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">But Sweden is also a warning.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Again: there has been retreat since the Meidner Wage Earner Funds.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The ‘corporatist consensus’ delivered for
several decades in Sweden.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But since the
bourgeoisie ‘got cold feet’ and organised more overtly against Swedish social
democracy – there has been a retreat.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Swedish social democracy now has to work with Swedish Liberalism to keep
the right-wing parties out ; and the price has been a retreat of the Swedish
welfare state and progressive tax.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In short:
Socialists and social democrats have to be ready for capitalist backlash.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Class struggle creates change. That remains true.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But so too do broader coalitions, cultural
and electoral strategies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Fabian
Society in Australia<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>is placed to mount
cultural interventions ; and hence influence the electoral strategies of the
Labor Party and the broader Left.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We
won’t get all that we want all at once.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But we need a critique of capitalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>We have to be prepared for future crises.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We have to think what a transition would look
like: under what circumstances and what time frame?<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But all the time considering the reality of
power – economic and political ; including the power of the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>State.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>And all in a global context: where global progress remains limited
without global consciousness and organisation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Which is something the Fabians also need to be thinking about.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Building ties with Democratic Socialists of
America, for instance, could be a fruitful endeavour.<br />
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The Fabian Society re-embracing its place as an organisation of democratic
socialism means engaging with these problems.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>For the short to medium term it is to be hoped we have an important
strategic place in developing a ‘democratic mixed economy’ ; critiquing
capitalism ; and imagining ‘revolutionary reforms’ which could decisively shift
economic and political power over the long term.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com30tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-86255879056949732062019-10-05T22:44:00.000-07:002019-10-06T02:17:19.635-07:00Labor Must Ask Serious Questions on Policy and Values<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
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<b><b><span style="background-color: white; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue; font-size: large;">Above: Albanese corrrectly indentifies the need for policy review and good policy ; But 'root and branch' rejection of Labor's 2019 Platform would be a mistake. New policies and 'new angles' are necessary. But let's not jettison our values and abandon our interests on the way. Labor's problems were largely 'tactical' ; and this also needs recognition.</span></span></b></b></div>
<b><br /><br /><br /><br /><span style="font-size: large;">Dr
Tristan Ewins</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br />
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">Labor has been saying relatively little on policy since its defeat at
the hands of the Morrison Government. Many are saying Labor’s
‘move to the Left’ was the problem. In that process other problems
are being neglected. The Coalition tax scare campaign (including on a non-existent 'death tax'); Shorten’s
wooden performance in the final days ; failure to build a strong
enough ‘central narrative’ ; confusion on Dividend Imputation franking credits
– and the failure to means test any measures there instead of applying the same
rules to everyone. Also Clive Palmer's $60 million intervention - dwarfing the monetary resources of both parties - changed everything and channeled preferences to the Conservatives. Shorten also failed to sell the progressive
tax reform message ; and avoided the issue when given the opportunity to ‘take
it up to Morrison’ in a Leader’s Debate. (here I'm thinking of Shorten's refusal to engage on Morrison's example of a very-high-wage workers' tax rising by 2%(!) under Labor) <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">Expanding social goods and services necessitates progressive tax ;
asking more of high income earners ; and that definitely includes the top 10
per cent. Maybe even the top 20 per cent. Those in lower brackets
need to contribute too based on ability to pay, but would receive much more in
return. Those in the lowest brackets may even receive indexed tax
cuts. (Income Tax needs to be radically restructured overall ; and
then the lower brackets indexed – to prevent the erosive effect of bracket
creep) Tax indexation can prevent 'a flat tax by stealth' via such selective exploitation of bracket creep.<br />
<br />
In the big picture, though, Shorten led a united team and developed some
very good policy during his years in the
leadership. His modestly reformist policies have widely been
portrayed as a ‘lurch to the Left’ ; and that illustrates well the relative
right-wards shift in Australian politics where anything in the way of
meaningful reform faces that kind of accusation.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">But the Coalition’s massively irresponsible policy of tax cuts (<a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-07-04/full-federal-government-tax-cut-passes-the-senate/11277002"><span style="color: blue;">$160 billion over the first 10 years</span></a>, and much
more proportionately over the longer term as ‘phase three’ kicks in) for the
well-off put the onus on Labor to mount a response. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">We know we have
an ageing population. For the Left at least, we know tougher means
tests, a higher age of retirement, failure of benefits to keep up with a rising
cost of living and respond to the need to extend pensions more broadly – should
be unacceptable. Undermining the tax base is the road to a US-Style
and strongly class-divided economy and welfare state. An
ageing population will also mean more stress on the health system ; and the
correct response is to support citizens on need rather than adhering to some
arbitrary ‘tax ceiling’ which can only respond with harmful austerity.
Medicare Dental remains an essential policy for Labor to embrace and campaign
on vigorously.<br />
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To his credit, Albanese has come out against attacks and stigma against the
unemployed. But we need more. Raise Newstart by at least
$75 a week. Apply active industry policies aimed at creating job
opportunities for ‘at risk’ and vulnerable groups. Not only the
young unemployed, but especially the older unemployed ; and the disabled –
including the mentally ill. Highly educated older job-seekers
are being forced to drop their qualifications from their resumes to be ‘more
attractive’ for cleaning jobs and the like. Meanwhile, while many
look down on the cleaning profession it does involve skills, and it is hard
work. There is cause to reform the Award in these and other fields –
for example Aged Care and Child Care. But where the market will not bear this
we need government subsidies. Importantly, many of these areas are highly feminised.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">Denmark provides an example in a sense. That is with their
active industry policies which seek development of ‘sunrise industries’ that
make use of the skill sets from ‘sunset industries’, mixed with retraining. The
policies are expensive: but the gains from labour market participation more
than make up for that. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">In that process we need to review the NAIRU – or </span><span style="background: white; color: #222222; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 14.0pt;">non-accelerating
inflation rate of unemployment</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;"> – which supports a ‘buffer of unemployment’
(commonly in the vicinity of 5 per cent) to contain the bargaining power of
workers and avoid wage inflation. Hence there are always many more
people looking for work than there are jobs – and yet still the unemployed face
stigma. Instead we need to look to fiscal policy to contain inflation ; and
co-operation with trade unions (eg: accepting higher taxes on high wage
workers) in return for expansion of social goods and services and defence of
industrial rights. This would be applied after the Swedish model
rather than the Accord – which at the end of the day failed to deliver to
workers sufficiently in return for wage restraint. Full employment
makes a massive difference to the Budget and the broader economy if it can be
sustained.<br />
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In short, Labor needs to take action to raise the status of some of our most
exploited professions – while reforming the tax base and making social wage,
social insurance, collective consumption, and welfare state expansion
possible. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">Let’s explain these one by one to get some sense of what is meant.<br />
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‘Social Wage’ refers to the recognition that not everyone receives wage
justice. And sometimes it is more effective to receive the proceeds of wages
collectively to maximise the collective (and individual)
benefit. Think public health and education. Corporate
Taxation also factors in here as the corporates benefit from a healthy and
skilled workforce.<br />
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‘Social Insurance’ refers to public-funded insurance against contingencies like
unemployment, ill-health or disability via the tax system – which covers
everyone. After all – it could happen to any one of us – or our
loved ones.<br />
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‘Collective consumption’ refers to when ‘the people’ get a better deal by
consuming collectively via tax rather than as isolated consumers. Leaving
individuals with more money to spend at their discretion in other areas at the
end of the day. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">It is appreciated that people need a reasonable degree of discretion in
terms of determining personal needs structures. But ‘collective
consumption’ delivers massively in the area of pharmaceuticals consumption (think the
Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme or ‘PBS’) ; and could deliver in other areas as
well – eg: infrastructure and goods like water and energy – which are becoming
more unaffordable following effective privatisation. Also think
public infrastructure like ports, roads, public transport. communications:
which should flow from the public purse where the state’s superior rate of
borrowing and not-for-profit stance can deliver a better
deal. (water, ports, communications, transport infrastructure - should be re-socialised - reducing overall cost-structures; Though in some areas (eg: energy) some kind of 'market' should still exist ; But in the context of a public monopoly provider ; much more affordable, but still an incentive to regulate usage)<br />
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The “Welfare State’” is often taken in a catch-all sense which covers all of
this, but for now think of the tax-transfer system and the need to support
vulnerable Australians. Newstart is the area of the most dire need ;
but a 15% increase in other pensions can also be justified ; as well as support
for the National Disability Insurance Scheme and the implementation of a
National Aged Care Insurance Scheme (in response to the Royal Commission) which
provides high quality services both for at-home and residential care on demand,
and without onerous user-pays policies which send ‘consumers’
broke. That also includes high quality food, quotas , a registered
nurse on-site always , training in the handling of dementia , at-home packages
on demand , rehabilitation and exercise on-demand , regular GP visits , private
rooms , and meaningful (often facilitated) every-day interaction and outings
(where possible) instead of just seating people down in-front of TVs all
day. For those ‘at home’ action to combat loneliness is crucial.<br />
<br />
More public housing – perhaps interspersed with private housing to avoid stigma
– is necessary too in order to tackle homelessness and housing
stress. But large scale public housing projects should also be
considered – also providing quality amenities: laundries, pools, common rooms, internet
connectivity – which people can respect and appreciate. Austria
manages a high level of public housing well – with very positive
results. Indeed,<a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/entry/vienna-affordable-housing-paradise_n_5b4e0b12e4b0b15aba88c7b0?ri18n=true"><span style="color: blue;"> over 60% of Vienna’s population</span></a> live
in public or social housing. It is the legacy of the interwar
revolutionary Social Democrats (at the time officially of a Marxist
– but not Bolshevist - disposition)– who prevailed in Vienna in the 1917-1934
period ; and who took government with a more modest agenda in the post-war
period.<br />
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Eugene Quinn argues the following ; outlining the difference in culture re:
public housing in Vienna <a href="https://www.huffingtonpost.com.au/entry/vienna-affordable-housing-paradise_n_5b4e0b12e4b0b15aba88c7b0?ri18n=true"><span style="color: blue;">which could be promoted in Australia as well:</span></a><br />
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<span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">“People
here are used to the communal spaces of the social housing estates and are very
comfortable living next to someone from a different background,” Quinn
says. “And because people are not crushed by their rents like in other major
cities, they have a bit more time to be creative, to study, to get involved in
community work.”</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">Apart from these areas, Labor also needs to take a
strong line against the Coalition's ‘Ensuring Integrity’ union-busting
laws. Some in the Left dislike John Setka. But more is at
stake here than one man. We are talking about the strategic position
of the entire movement. Which the Coalition well
knows. And Labor must acknowledge that as well.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">In short, inevitably there must be a policy
review. But let’s be careful about dumping good
policy. Sure, let’s hone our message and our central
focus. Though we need a tactical campaigning review also: perhaps
more so than a ‘root and branch’ policy review overall. If we cannot at least reverse
Morrison’s overall tax cuts in a progressive way – focusing on tax cuts for the
well-off – then we concede defeat. That would mean conceding an
Australia which retreated from anything recognisably social-democratic , and
headed towards the divisions and insecurity we see in the US for example.<br />
<br />
Importantly we must embrace the message of progressive tax and its implications
rather than running away from that debate. Trying to be ‘everything
to everyone’ and not increase the tax burden on virtually anyone – means we
have no way of funding reform at the end of the day. But an openly
progressive agenda would give the vast majority an incentive to vote Labor.<br />
<br />
It is nonetheless appreciated that ‘middle income’ is not the same as ‘middle
ground’, and some disillusioned voters are embracing a ‘centrism’ which is
largely right-wing in practice. Labor’s response must be tactical:
appealing not only to interests but also to values. A liberal
response on social values, and stronger action on climate change can also
detract from any ‘small ‘l’ constituency’ for the Liberals ; and pressure the
Liberals to reform their own outlook ; shifting ‘the relative political
centre’. Labor must contest values in the economy as well as the 'culture wars' ; and its relative neglect here has marked a defeat for Social Democracy and Democratic Socialism in this country.</span></div>
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<span style="background: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;">One thing is certain. Nothing is gained from a
‘culture of policy defeat’. Labor must find a way to effectively
campaign for government without compromising its values and
reason-for-being. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<!--[endif]--></span>Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com8tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-5952277586613848648.post-49929793440419567352019-08-28T22:03:00.000-07:002019-08-29T18:37:53.018-07:00Australia’s Liberal Party no longer ‘liberal’<br />
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; line-height: 115%;"><o:p><b><span style="color: blue; font-size: large;"><i>above: While Menzies was far from without fault, on many issues today's Liberal Party would be unrecognizable for him.</i> </span></b></o:p></span></div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: large;">Dr
Tristan Ewins<o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Much is said about the clash between the liberal and
Conservative wings of the Liberal Party of Australia.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Usually leading figures will speak of a ‘broad
church’ which includes a diverse membership.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But the truth is that the Liberals continue to drift ever deeper into the hard Right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Liberals will
stand up for religious liberties (which there may be some kind of argument for)
;<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>but John Stuart Mill would turn in his
grave if he was aware of Liberal policies on trade unions, charities, and
attempts to shut down grassroots mass organisations such as GetUp!<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://www.britannica.com/topic/liberalism/Classical-liberalism">The
Encyclopedia Britannica identifies</a> various rights as central to Classical
Liberalism.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Freedom of association,
assembly and speech amongst them.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also: “<span style="background: white; color: black;">freedom from fear of reprisal</span>”, and
of arbitrary arrest and punishment.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It
also identifies free industrial organisation of workers as a necessary
counter-balance in the marketplace.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I</span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">nterestingly, iconic
British liberal John Stuart Mill was even in some ways sympathetic with the
socialist social experiments of Robert Owen in the 19</span><sup style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">th</sup><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Century.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span><span style="background-color: white; font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">(see: ‘On Socialism’, J.S.Mill, Prometheus
Books, New York, 1976)</span></div>
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And while free markets are crucial to classical liberalism, various liberals
are divided on the balance between public and private.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>All liberals would oppose a ‘command economy’,
and would demand a central space for ‘personal determination of needs
structures via markets’. For some liberals, however, Hayek and Rand are seen as
occupying ‘the extreme end of the spectrum’ ; but those theorists’ ideas are
exactly those promoted by the Institute of Public Affairs - which has a
powerful role influencing Liberal Party policy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Before the 1970s, Hayek and Rand were ‘on the fringes’ in most Liberal
and Conservative parties. Fanatical commitment to the progressive and
open-ended dismantling the welfare state, social wage, social insurance and
public sector would have once have been ‘out of place’ in ‘the Party of Menzies’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Now those ideas are in ‘the mainstream’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And for Conservatives, adherence to economic
neo-liberalism has eclipsed ‘compassionate conservative’ tendencies.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">By contrast with the original
liberals, today’s Liberal Party of Australia is committed to the <a href="https://www.greenleft.org.au/content/morrison-union-busting-laws-will-further-repress-right-strike">total
dismantling of the power of organised labour</a>.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Its ‘Ensuring integrity’ Bill has several aims.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Firstly, the bill (if passed) will take
non-protected industrial action as being ‘criminal in nature’ ; and union
leaders could thus be charged and imprisoned ; and unions themselves
deregistered and ‘dismantled’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It will
enable government to “sack” union officials convicted of criminal offenses:
which includes ‘industrial’ offenses such as unprotected industrial action, and
entering workplaces to organise or inspect working conditions without notice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also: even ‘protected’ rights to industrial
action will be able to be withdrawn if an ‘interested party’ argues it affects
their interests.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The legislation will
establish in many ways arbitrary punitive powers for government against workers
and union officials.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While freedom to
withdraw labour is a liberal right so too is freedom of association.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="background: white; color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Liberal Party is
also now endeavouring to have mass-based progressive lobby group ‘GetUp!’
considered a branch of the ALP and the Greens ; and hence to restrict its
rights to campaign in the lead up to elections, and on election day.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>With a membership base of over a million
Australians ‘GetUp!’ is obviously much broader than the ALP or Greens, and has
organisational independence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But these
days the Liberal Party is simply interested in shutting down all opposition in
a display of crude power politics. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This
is the opposite of liberalism ; even if defined narrowly as ‘classical
liberalism’.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>True, the Liberals
abrogated liberalism when they attempted to ban the Communist Party under
Menzies as well. ('Doc' Evatt's defense of the liberal rights of Communists was an important victory for Labor at the time) But the Communists never had over a million members: mums,
dads, students, retirees. People who want a political voice: but many of whom
are not ready to join a Party.<br />
<br />
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Another example of Liberals abrogating
liberal principles regards their treatment of charities and other organisations
who must fear their tax-deductibility status being withdrawn if they criticise
the government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>‘Political’ speech is seen as compromising the
work of charities by the Liberal-National Coalition ; but in fact this is just
another rejection of real free speech: sacrificed on the altar of brute power
politics.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Despite a decision by the High
Court <a href="https://theconversation.com/government-inquiry-takes-aim-at-green-charities-that-get-political-40166">upholding
the right</a> of civic organisations like charities to engage in political
advocacy, the Liberals and Nationals are still looking for ways to shut-down
resistance.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arguments have been made to ‘withdraw
support’ for organisations ‘out of step’ with majority opinion. (whatever that
is)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The other side of this involves calls on the Left to
tax churches ; which may include lay organisations at the grassroots level.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While the Liberal Party has largely abandoned
liberalism in practice, the Left could do worse than to integrate liberal and
socialist principles.<br />
<br />
Finally we must consider the treatment of refugees and the unemployed by
callous governments of the Australian Right-Wing. Open-ended incarceration with
the effect of breaking the spirit and the will to live of those affected has no
place in any account of liberal human rights.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Meanwhile, ‘Work for the Dole’ comprises a form of
labour conscription, and we must consider the real power relationships
underlying these arrangements – as opposed to the fantasies of Hayek and Rand
who only see ‘individuals freely entering into voluntary economic relationships’.
<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Sophisticated liberals deal with ‘the
world as it is’ and not merely as it is supposed to be in the theories of the
economic hard right. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In reality, both
major parties are supportive of a policy of a “<span style="background: white; color: #222222;">non</span><span style="background: white; color: #222222;"><span style="-webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; float: none; font-variant-caps: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; orphans: 2; text-decoration-color: initial; text-decoration-style: initial; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px;">-</span><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">accelerating inflation rate of unemployment”.
(ie:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>unemployment of approximately 5%
with the point of containing inflation and wage pressures)<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The point of this is exactly to restrict
workers’ bargaining power at a time when the unemployed are vilified, wages are
stagnant, and there is restricted consumer demand in the broader economy. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(in turn impacting on growth)</span></span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><o:p> </o:p></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;">In times past liberals would be capable of
recognising the real-world imbalances of power in economic relationships: and
hence support rights for trade unions, and a decent welfare safety net without
punitive, unfair and unrealistic mutual obligation provisions. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br />While some Conservative figures <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-07-18/barnaby-joyce-joins-calls-to-increase-newstart-allowance/11322992">like
Barnaby Joyce</a> are finally recognising the threadbare and punitive nature of
‘Newstart’ unemployment insurance in Australia, Prime Minister, Scott Morrison,
is determined to keep existing policies as a wedge against Labor. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> While 'Robodebt' policies drive innocent people to desperation and suicide, t</span>he hope of decent bipartisanship has been
cruelly crushed. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>An ugly sentiment
against the welfare-dependent and job seekers has been whipped up in the
monopoly mass media in Australia for decades.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>But the Liberals have all-too-readily seized upon the consequent public
sentiment ; and have exploited it.<br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">While progressives should always prefer a Labor
Government to a Liberal Government in Australia, it is to be hoped that genuine
liberals like John Hewson - who have not been ideologically captured by the
Institute of Public Affairs – improve their fortunes in internal debates.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While this author is opposed to Blairite ‘Third
Ways’ it would nonetheless be a relief to have bipartisanship on issues of
basic human liberty and decency.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>While
the Liberals increasingly embrace Hayek and Rand on the economy, on social
liberty they are effectively against libertarianism. (eg: on the rights of
organised labour) <br /><br /><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In Australia the nominal party of liberalism is anything
but liberal. Even in the narrow sense of classical liberalism they fail to
uphold core principles.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Labor could
reconceive of itself as a liberal Party ; and occupy that space abandoned by
the Liberal Party.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But for social democrats
and democratic socialists that is not the answer if it means abrogating our own
historic principles, and the rights and interests we defend.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But a more libertarian position on liberal
rights on the Australian Left would apply significant pressure to the parties
of the Australian Right.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>To a some degree
this is already happening.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It is a trend
that needs to be developed further.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<br />Vaughann722http://www.blogger.com/profile/11604027151490275320noreply@blogger.com1