Dr
Tristan Ewins
Much is said about the clash between the liberal and
Conservative wings of the Liberal Party of Australia. Usually leading figures will speak of a ‘broad
church’ which includes a diverse membership.
But the truth is that the Liberals continue to drift ever deeper into the hard Right. Liberals will
stand up for religious liberties (which there may be some kind of argument for)
; but John Stuart Mill would turn in his
grave if he was aware of Liberal policies on trade unions, charities, and
attempts to shut down grassroots mass organisations such as GetUp!
The
Encyclopedia Britannica identifies various rights as central to Classical
Liberalism. Freedom of association,
assembly and speech amongst them. Also: “freedom from fear of reprisal”, and
of arbitrary arrest and punishment. It
also identifies free industrial organisation of workers as a necessary
counter-balance in the marketplace.
Interestingly, iconic
British liberal John Stuart Mill was even in some ways sympathetic with the
socialist social experiments of Robert Owen in the 19th Century. (see: ‘On Socialism’, J.S.Mill, Prometheus
Books, New York, 1976)
And while free markets are crucial to classical liberalism, various liberals are divided on the balance between public and private. All liberals would oppose a ‘command economy’, and would demand a central space for ‘personal determination of needs structures via markets’. For some liberals, however, Hayek and Rand are seen as occupying ‘the extreme end of the spectrum’ ; but those theorists’ ideas are exactly those promoted by the Institute of Public Affairs - which has a powerful role influencing Liberal Party policy. Before the 1970s, Hayek and Rand were ‘on the fringes’ in most Liberal and Conservative parties. Fanatical commitment to the progressive and open-ended dismantling the welfare state, social wage, social insurance and public sector would have once have been ‘out of place’ in ‘the Party of Menzies’. Now those ideas are in ‘the mainstream’. And for Conservatives, adherence to economic neo-liberalism has eclipsed ‘compassionate conservative’ tendencies.
By contrast with the original
liberals, today’s Liberal Party of Australia is committed to the total
dismantling of the power of organised labour. Its ‘Ensuring integrity’ Bill has several aims. Firstly, the bill (if passed) will take
non-protected industrial action as being ‘criminal in nature’ ; and union
leaders could thus be charged and imprisoned ; and unions themselves
deregistered and ‘dismantled’. It will
enable government to “sack” union officials convicted of criminal offenses:
which includes ‘industrial’ offenses such as unprotected industrial action, and
entering workplaces to organise or inspect working conditions without notice. Also: even ‘protected’ rights to industrial
action will be able to be withdrawn if an ‘interested party’ argues it affects
their interests. The legislation will
establish in many ways arbitrary punitive powers for government against workers
and union officials. While freedom to
withdraw labour is a liberal right so too is freedom of association.
The Liberal Party is
also now endeavouring to have mass-based progressive lobby group ‘GetUp!’
considered a branch of the ALP and the Greens ; and hence to restrict its
rights to campaign in the lead up to elections, and on election day. With a membership base of over a million
Australians ‘GetUp!’ is obviously much broader than the ALP or Greens, and has
organisational independence. But these
days the Liberal Party is simply interested in shutting down all opposition in
a display of crude power politics. This
is the opposite of liberalism ; even if defined narrowly as ‘classical
liberalism’. True, the Liberals
abrogated liberalism when they attempted to ban the Communist Party under
Menzies as well. ('Doc' Evatt's defense of the liberal rights of Communists was an important victory for Labor at the time) But the Communists never had over a million members: mums,
dads, students, retirees. People who want a political voice: but many of whom
are not ready to join a Party.
Another example of Liberals abrogating liberal principles regards their treatment of charities and other organisations who must fear their tax-deductibility status being withdrawn if they criticise the government. ‘Political’ speech is seen as compromising the work of charities by the Liberal-National Coalition ; but in fact this is just another rejection of real free speech: sacrificed on the altar of brute power politics. Despite a decision by the High Court upholding the right of civic organisations like charities to engage in political advocacy, the Liberals and Nationals are still looking for ways to shut-down resistance. Arguments have been made to ‘withdraw support’ for organisations ‘out of step’ with majority opinion. (whatever that is)
Another example of Liberals abrogating liberal principles regards their treatment of charities and other organisations who must fear their tax-deductibility status being withdrawn if they criticise the government. ‘Political’ speech is seen as compromising the work of charities by the Liberal-National Coalition ; but in fact this is just another rejection of real free speech: sacrificed on the altar of brute power politics. Despite a decision by the High Court upholding the right of civic organisations like charities to engage in political advocacy, the Liberals and Nationals are still looking for ways to shut-down resistance. Arguments have been made to ‘withdraw support’ for organisations ‘out of step’ with majority opinion. (whatever that is)
The other side of this involves calls on the Left to
tax churches ; which may include lay organisations at the grassroots level. While the Liberal Party has largely abandoned
liberalism in practice, the Left could do worse than to integrate liberal and
socialist principles.
Finally we must consider the treatment of refugees and the unemployed by callous governments of the Australian Right-Wing. Open-ended incarceration with the effect of breaking the spirit and the will to live of those affected has no place in any account of liberal human rights.
Finally we must consider the treatment of refugees and the unemployed by callous governments of the Australian Right-Wing. Open-ended incarceration with the effect of breaking the spirit and the will to live of those affected has no place in any account of liberal human rights.
Meanwhile, ‘Work for the Dole’ comprises a form of
labour conscription, and we must consider the real power relationships
underlying these arrangements – as opposed to the fantasies of Hayek and Rand
who only see ‘individuals freely entering into voluntary economic relationships’.
Sophisticated liberals deal with ‘the
world as it is’ and not merely as it is supposed to be in the theories of the
economic hard right. In reality, both
major parties are supportive of a policy of a “non-accelerating inflation rate of unemployment”.
(ie: unemployment of approximately 5%
with the point of containing inflation and wage pressures) The point of this is exactly to restrict
workers’ bargaining power at a time when the unemployed are vilified, wages are
stagnant, and there is restricted consumer demand in the broader economy. (in turn impacting on growth)
While some Conservative figures like Barnaby Joyce are finally recognising the threadbare and punitive nature of ‘Newstart’ unemployment insurance in Australia, Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, is determined to keep existing policies as a wedge against Labor. While 'Robodebt' policies drive innocent people to desperation and suicide, the hope of decent bipartisanship has been cruelly crushed. An ugly sentiment against the welfare-dependent and job seekers has been whipped up in the monopoly mass media in Australia for decades. But the Liberals have all-too-readily seized upon the consequent public sentiment ; and have exploited it.
While progressives should always prefer a Labor
Government to a Liberal Government in Australia, it is to be hoped that genuine
liberals like John Hewson - who have not been ideologically captured by the
Institute of Public Affairs – improve their fortunes in internal debates. While this author is opposed to Blairite ‘Third
Ways’ it would nonetheless be a relief to have bipartisanship on issues of
basic human liberty and decency. While
the Liberals increasingly embrace Hayek and Rand on the economy, on social
liberty they are effectively against libertarianism. (eg: on the rights of
organised labour)
In Australia the nominal party of liberalism is anything
but liberal. Even in the narrow sense of classical liberalism they fail to
uphold core principles. Labor could
reconceive of itself as a liberal Party ; and occupy that space abandoned by
the Liberal Party. But for social democrats
and democratic socialists that is not the answer if it means abrogating our own
historic principles, and the rights and interests we defend. But a more libertarian position on liberal
rights on the Australian Left would apply significant pressure to the parties
of the Australian Right. To a some degree
this is already happening. It is a trend
that needs to be developed further.