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Tuesday, July 9, 2019

Can Labor accommodate an inclusive and open internal debate on Tax and the Social Wage?




above: The Ageing Population will have severe Budgetary Implications and Labor need to be planning now ; including for the provision of first class Aged Care for all ; now is not the time to capitulate on 'small government'.  Labor must 'go on the front foot' as the Aged Care and Mental Health Royal Commissions pass down their findings


Dr Tristan Ewins

I’ve been copping some criticism for my decision to publicly disagree with the Parliamentary Labor Party’s decision to waive through the Conservative Government’s tax cuts package – which includes some benefits for middle income earners, but nothing for the working poor, and a massive windfall for the rich.  ‘Phase 3’ – which focuses mainly on tax breaks for the rich – will cost $95 billion over only its first five years.

Many reasons have been given for the decision, including Labor’s desire not to be seen to be ‘getting in the way’ of a tax cut for middle income and higher income workers.  The rationale is that we pick our fights at a time and context of our own choosing.   And don’t give the Coalition a bludgeon to beat us with in the meantime.  And some are arguing we could move to rescind the Phase 3 cuts closer to the next election.

This is problematic for a number of reasons. Generally, it’s easier to legislate tax cuts than to repeal them.  Various ‘pragmatists’ in the Party will point to the need to court ‘aspirationals’ (an Ideological construction meant to promote capitulation on distributive justice) and some will ‘get cold feet’ on any rescission as the election approaches.   Even some figures on the Left are arguing in favour of the tax cuts, not just as a tactical imperative, but on the basis they do not see the social wage as  a priority.  Though I’m sure there are many more who understand the place of the social wage in Labor’s mission and identity.  Some are opposing ‘Laborism’ to ‘Social Democracy’ ; but when pressed I doubt these would implement reforms on pattern bargaining, labour market regulation, secondary boycott, and so on. 

Also ; Labor’s strategy is demoralising and disorienting for many members and supporters.  Labor 'didn't have the numbers' but 'taking a stand' would have been good for morale ; and would have left less ambiguity where we stand. Though that will be ameliorated should Labor commit to rescinding Phase 3 at a  later date “if it proves to be fiscally irresponsible” and “a barrier to provision of front line services”.  Which we know will be the case. 

So can the Party tolerate debate on this issue ; and if so should it be ‘behind closed doors’, or should some of it be public? 

Firstly, if most of the Left (and possibly significant parts of the Right) want to see Phase 3 withdrawn at the next election we need a discussion within the Party as to why this is so urgent. There must be grassroots pressure so even ‘pragmatic’ MPs understand it’s what the Party expects and demands.  And activists and other members must be educated as to the consequences of the policy if it is not withdrawn.  Debate within policy committees and so on is not good enough as it does not engage the majority of members.   Public debate also gives cause for supporters to ‘take heart’ that there are significant forces in the Party fighting to rescind the appalling Phase 3 tax cuts later on. We need to be arguing that we will review the policy next election not only because it is fiscally irresponsible ; but also the distributional impacts, and impact on services.  

And if Party figures think they cannot risk disunity ‘at the top’ ; surely at the least they can see the good of ongoing and permanent debate ‘at the grassroots’. And when the Coalition uses the old ‘class warfare’ label we need to respond that it is they who are waging class warfare ; imposing a greater proportional tax burden on  lower and middle income Australians, cutting services,  removing penalty rates, seeking to smash unions, degrade conditions and so on.

There’s also a problem that if the Coalition gets away with this tactic once, they will try it again.  That is: combining policy which is of some interest to workers in the short term with policies which will be very harmful to most over the long term with damage to the social wage, social insurance and collective consumption, welfare state, and funds for public infrastructure.  And trying to pass them 'as a package deal'.

The  Aged Care and Mental Health Royal Commissions are developing their findings even as this is written.  Action on mental health and aged care will require resources that simply won’t be there if the Coalition gets its way.  We’re talking action on a similar scale to the NDIS. (National Disability Insurance Scheme)   The ageing population makes action there especially urgent.

Labor’s strategy must be to demand action on these fronts, in the full knowledge that this puts fiscal pressure on the Conservatives to pull back on tax cuts.  This is not necessarily because of some cynical partisanship or desire to ‘wreck’, but because the Aged and the mentally ill desperately require our support. More hospital beds, better pensions, psychological counselling and community support.  Enshrined ratios (nurses and aged care workers) in Aged Care and the funds to make that possible.  Better training – including dementia training – and better wages and conditions for Aged Care staff.   Resources for ‘quality of life’ ; private rooms, quality food, access to internet, facilitated discussions and games , a life that is worth living – and more than sitting people down in front of televisions all day.  Also more money for ‘ageing in place’ programs ; ensuring everyone who needs such a package can receive support quickly ; without onerous waiting lists that currently can go on over a year.  And on the way begin winding back regressive user-pays.

In the meantime Labor must resist any austerity ‘brought forward’ to accommodate the Coalition’s tax cuts.

The bottom line is that Labor needs a debate which keeps distributive justice, progressive tax, social wage provision – front and centre of the Party’s agenda.  Over the medium term we need to be moving towards the OECD average tax to GDP ratio.   

Labor also has to head off the so called ‘ensuring integrity’ anti-unions laws ; and should be engaging the crossbenches on this now.  We also need to prioritise the Senate for the next election.  If the anti-union legislation passes the industrial wing needs to be prepared for a fight to render the legislation ‘the dead letter of the law’.

Many Labor activists are now ‘falling into line’ because of the idea that ‘disunity is death’.  And hence a desire from some to enforce conformity. The fight to oppose Phase Three outright from the outset has been lost.  Many are bitter, but we need to plan ahead for the future. The next debate is whether we press for extended services on aged care and mental health we know are incompatible with the Coalition’s vision of ‘ever smaller government’.  And following that: whether we are willing to rescind Phase Three after the next election ; and maybe even modestly raise taxes by around 1% to 1.5% of GDP on top of that to fund an expansion of the social wage which ‘takes us forwards’, not just a ‘rear-guard action’.

Negative Gearing reform and Franking Credits may be off the agenda for now, but the reality is we failed to sell our policies.  Perhaps we should have imposed means tests in places so our policies did not disadvantage any genuine ‘battlers’.  Alternative policies could include a very big commitment on public housing.  As well as a restructuring of income tax, and imposition of indexation at the lower brackets.  Also a progressive increase of the Medicare Levy to fund dental and mental health; and a National Aged Care Insurance Levy to fund  Aged Care reform.  We need a vision which 'takes vulnerable and working Australians forwards'.  Already-progressive forces need to ‘plan ahead’ for the next National Conference.

The election was close and we should not succumb to despair. With reform re: ‘big money in politics’ , and full preparedness for any future Conservative ‘scare campaigns’ we should be able to go into the next election ‘on the front foot’.

Thursday, July 4, 2019

Backing Liberals’ ‘Flat Tax’ Agenda a Bad Move for Labor



above: Morrison's Tax Cuts will lead to over $20 billion in austerity every year 


Dr Tristan Ewins


Figures in the ALP - even including Senior figures in the Left -  are rationalising the decision to back the hugely regressive Morrison income tax cuts in the final instance.  The rationale (given by senior Left figure, Kosmos Samaras)  is that workers do not begrudge the wealthy a tax cut, even though they do begrudge an increase in Newstart.  He concedes it reluctantly, calling it “confronting". For many adapting to the mindset of these people (including ‘working class Tories’) is more urgent than actually trying to win the argument. Or winning those people over on balance on other issues - despite their prejudices.

So now Labor has gone so far as to pass the controversial ‘Phase Three’: which  moves us towards a ‘flat tax’ with those in $45,000 to $200,000 all on the same rate. This is worse than Blairism ;  This is capitulating to Thatcherism. 

Phase Three alone will come at a cost of $95 billion in five years’.

And even before this 'Phase 2' alone will cost
almost $4 billion a year.

Now the Median wage (ie: middle income) is only
approximately $53,000 a year.  Though If you ONLY take FULL TIME wages that equates to $65,577 a year.

But this is NOWHERE NEAR $120,000, say – which is well within the top 10 per cent.

If people on undoubtedly high incomes do not pay their fair share of tax how will the social wage survive - let alone expand?  If the ALP does not stand for the social wage what does it stand for?  Without the social wage Labor utterly turns its back on the Whitlam legacy.  And at least Hawke gave us Medicare.

If we effectively back a flat tax we may as well not exist.

Labor lost the recent election for many reasons. Clive Palmer's money. A deceitful tax scare campaign on ‘retiree taxes’ and ‘death taxes’ that were nowhere on Labor’s radar. A failure to communicate complex policies. Media bias. A 'flat' performance by Shorten in the final days.

What this shows it that we need to be careful how we frame our next Campaign. Simpler but still progressive tax reform. Rescind phase three and increase progressive tax by somewhere between 1% to 1.5% of GDP. Include a progressively structured Medicare Levy increase. Make the connection between the tax reform and the social insurance/social wage reforms we want to make. Aged Care Insurance, Medicare Dental, Child Care. Keep on emphasising we're only talking 1% to 1.5% of GDP. Sell the ideas of social wage, collective consumption, social insurance.

Also: Attack the Liberals relentlessly. Push them hard on the need for cuts under their plan and where the cuts will come from. Use relatively simple negative and positive ideas and slogans - that will 'cut through'.

As for bracket creep ; after adjusting for fairness we need to index the lower brackets. And when the Libs say 'politics of envy' - don't just take it - fight back. $95 billion of cuts over five years is massive. It's not 'envy' ; it's about justice and it's about survival. Emphasise that lower and middle income earners are $53,000/year and under taking the median as a guide.  (or again: approx $65,000 if you’re only considering full time workers)

When we cut taxes for people on $100,000, $200,000 and higher - we are cutting health, education, aged care, and the social safety net. Make sure everyone understands this. And also people on lower thresholds are paying proportionately more of the tax burden. Which is the point. (ie: towards a 'Flat Tax')

These days even The Age is beating the Liberal drum relentlessly. But if we become a Party that no longer sets agendas ; but rather REACTS and capitulates to media spin campaigns - we may as well give in. You're basically saying 'Blair was Right'. And that the cause of a genuine Centre-Left is hopeless.  But even Blair *increased* tax modestly for his programs.  A flat tax is closer to Thatcher than Blair.

If deregistering unions becomes 'popular' do we give in to that too?

We can make tactical and strategic changes without full on capitulation.

I  made the argument thereafter that if workers support the Morrison tax changes it is because they don't understand what it will cost them in the long run. And the ALP wasn’t making that case very strongly either.

For Samaras this was being ‘patronising’ to workers ; and he retorted “yes, those poor uneducated workers.”  The implication is that he thinks workers backing the cuts know exactly what they’re supporting.

This was my response: 

So you're saying people understand Medicare, welfare, public health, schools, public infrastructure, universities, the ABC - are going to be slashed ; and they think a tax cut of maybe $10,000 a year or more for someone on $150,000/year is the better option?

People are immersed in popular culture. A Current Affair inciting hatred against the unemployed and unions. The Herald-Sun selling the narrative of the 'everyman ScoMo'. Yes, there are working class Tories out there. But even still: we have to actively contest the argument.  The Liberals will govern against most workers’ interests, and we need to communicate that.  And somehow begin the work of rebuilding an outlook of solidarity.

I’m no Leninist, but it’s interesting to consider what he had to say here. Before the meaning of 'social democracy' shifted Lenin pointed out the need to impart 'social democratic consciousness' ; but that this did not arise 'organically' from the class struggle, but had to come from the revolutionary party.

Today we have very little left in the way of a class struggle compared with the past. The Accord had something to do with it. So did deindustrialisation. So we don't have class consciousness among many, let alone 'social democratic consciousness'.

That said, an old style vanguard party is not the answer. We need a mass party.  But a mass party which – like a vanguard party – is capable of leading, mobilising and educating.  And is  complemented by sympathetic social movements which it builds strong ties with.

Social Media is a 'leveler' ; but the Conservatives dominate the old media. Over the long term the decline of traditional media will strengthen our hand. If we don't completely roll over into a Party of Liberalism in the interim.

Samaras suggested I was being 'patronising' ; but remember a lot of workers voted for Hitler too. Would it be 'patronising' to say they were wrong? A lot of working people are convinced by the tabloid propaganda. Again, if deregistering the CFMMEU becomes 'popular' do we back that? Or do we fight back ; actively strategizing with everything we've got?  

Yes people got it wrong. No, they didn't fully understand the implications of voting Tory. They don't know what over $20 billion in cuts a year will look like. Van Badham of The Guardian supposes that before too long that will escalate to a figure of $40 billion. (there's a likely recession, and the mindless drive for a surplus 'no matter what") It's partly our fault for not making enough of an issue of it. Our job is to expose that social cost. And when it comes to the next election oppose Phase 3. Which alone will cost over $200 billion across a decade after inflation.  (more if you accept Van Badham's assumptions)

So for those who think it's a good idea to back the tax cuts how about you explain where you think they should make the Budget cuts.

Jacquie Lambie has also totally sold out ; backing the shift towards a flat tax in return for  just over $150 million in relief for public housing debts.

Samaras again backed Lambie on the basis that public housing was a crucial issue in Tasmania , and the money would assist the homeless.  Their circumstances are desperate ; and no-one is saying nothing should be done.

But with the money forgone from the tax cuts (for just one year) we could provide Lambie with that money much more than 100 times over.   Whatever relief the vulnerable get from this, other vulnerable people will pay down the track more than 100 times over in the space of just one year by the time Phase 3 kicks in.  And after that the vulnerable get nothing.

Many people who think about and understand the consequences of this will end up voting Greens or other Left groups out of desperation unless Labor gets it together and commits unambiguously to rescind Phase 3 upon re-taking government.  (The legislation re: Phase Three is not due to take effect until 2024) It’s true in the end that Labor did not have the numbers to stop the legislation ; but ‘taking a stand’ was crucial for morale and for Labor’s credibility.  As well as contributing to a debate which may influence public opinion into the future.  

For those who agree to let the tax cuts to go through instead of addressing aged care, dental, childcare: how about saying EXACTLY where you want Morrison to make the cuts?  More than $20 billion a year is a LOT of money. It's not enough to say 'cut red tape'. Frontline services will be damaged critically.  

And before anyone attacks me: We are coming within a cat's whisker of a Flat Tax.  And that is the politics of Thatcherism.  'Politics' is about 'political capital' ; and progressives who are about social and distributive justice - not just identity politics - will see this as a betrayal. It could colour peoples' idea of Labor for years if not decades.

That’s what we should have thought of before we voted for this package ; even if some people have the intention of trying to revisit the issue come the next election.  No doubt ‘pragmatists’ will try and head any such move off in any case when the time comes.



https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/jul/05/labors-support-for-tax-cuts-is-an-unfathomable-betrayal-of-principle