above: Federal Treasurer, Jim Chalmers
Labor’s first Budget
has been pitched as ‘modest and responsible’, with limited new spending ; and
the intent of not fueling inflationary pressures. That said, there are some
welcome measures. $20 billion will be invested towards upgrading
the electricity grid ; preparing for a low-emissions future. Promises on Aged
Care will be fulfilled, with tougher regulation and an improvement in the wages
and working conditions of Aged Care workers. Over $2 billion will go into Education
; with free TAFE, 20,000 university places for the disadvantaged, and money for
more qualified teachers and better-resourced schools. Money will be provided for ‘urgent care
clinics’, and reducing the maximum co-payment for medicines from $42.50 to $30.
Finally, there will be more support for parental leave and subsidised childcare
; with a plan to promote an increase in housing supply (and hence affordability),
as well as an increase in Defence expenditure to over 2 per cent of GDP. (Herald-Sun 26/10/22) Though this housing plan appears over-dependent
on private investment.
All that said, there
are numerous problems as well. Jim Chalmers has flagged possible intervention
into the energy market, with power prices set to rise by 40 to 50 per cent. This will crush struggling individuals and families.
Also, Labor is flagging its intention to go ahead with the Stage Three Tax Cuts
which will deliver a $9000 windfall for
those earning $200,000 at a cost to the Budget of around $250 billion over 10
years. Nothing has been projected in the
way of energy subsidies, and the price for reining in inflation seems to be
falling upon those least able to pay. Wages are also flatlining, regardless of pre-election
commitments to get wages moving.
So – what *should*
Labor do? Some would oppose improvements
for those on low wages and welfare as fuelling inflation. But
those people should not be shouldering the burden. Already the bulk of their income is going
towards non-negotiable necessities ; and increases in power costs will challenge
their capacity to make ends meet in the most basic sense. There will be homelessness, skipped meals, and
Winters and Summers without heating or cooling. A temporary increase in tax for
those on middle and higher incomes could also have an anti-inflationary effect without
impacting on the most disadvantaged. Specifically,
temporary tax increases for those on middle incomes could tighten demand
significantly. Without such tax
increases, individuals and families will be left to shoulder the burden with
higher interest rates, and hence higher home loan repayments. Some of this will be passed on to renters as well. The question is: What
is the most efficient way of containing inflation? ; and how can this be
achieved while lessening the burden on those least able to pay? Also ;
what other measures need to be taken to sustain an improvement in the social
wage longer term? Including the
preservation of a truly needs-based National Disability Insurance Scheme.
(NDIS) This may mean some other taxes need to increase progressively and permanently.
Over the longer term Labor needs a rethink on tax reform. Ideally the Stage
Three tax cuts should be withdrawn completely. There are so many priorities which demand funding. But a compromise strategy could be to deliver
the same amount of tax relief ; but skewed towards those on lower and middle incomes. Median taxable income is
just under $50,000/year. If tax credits
are provided for those on low and middle incomes ; relief could be delivered
without delivering an expensive windfall for those on higher incomes. By the
time the tax cuts are projected to be phased in we will likely be struggling to
recover from an inflation-induced slowdown ; or maybe even a recession. At this point, it makes sense to support the
vulnerable and low-paid – as they spend the highest proportion of their income
on ‘getting by’ compared with others. That is ; they can be depended upon to spend
their incomes.
Unemployment is also set to rise to
4.5% over 2023 to 2025. This begs
the question of whether Labor accepts arguments around a supposed Non Accelerating
Inflation Rate of Unemployment. (NAIRU) Again ; recession and ‘spare capacity’
are not the only means of containing inflation. Taxes can achieve this without depending on
social misery and wasted human resources.
Also, record profits
in the gas industry should be subjected to taxation ; as has occurred
in Norway for instance. Those resources properly belong to all Australians
; and any windfall should be shared substantially with the Australian people.
This could be redirected to energy consumers with subsidies – especially those
on low incomes – while a legislated gas reserve could ensure Australian
consumers don’t miss out because of exports and global demand.
Into the future Labor
should be seeking to reduce poverty and inequality by boosting the social wage
and driving reform of the labour market ; especially for the working poor. An important improvement in the social wage
would be implementation of Medicare Dental.
Earlier in its first term Labor delivered an increase in the minimum
wage. But others on low wages also need urgent
assistance. This is especially the case
in feminised industries like early childhood education. Again, any inflationary
impact could be countered with strategic and temporary increases in tax. While impacting ‘the economic middle’ would be
regrettable ; the plight of those on low incomes is more urgent ; and Labor
needs to prioritise.
While Labor needs to
deliver on promises to improve the Cost of Living, including energy affordability,
it also needs to be looking to boost the wage share of the economy. To some
extent this should be delivered as a matter of distributive justice ; and not
only in return for improved productivity.
In 2018, Jim
Stanford explained how the wage share of the economy had fallen from 58.4
per cent in 1975 to 47.1 per cent in 2018. That translated to over $16,000 a
year on average per worker ; and $210 billion per year in total. Not only does Labor need to agitate for improved
Awards at the lower end. It also needs to improve workers’ bargaining power
more broadly ; and this must include support for pattern bargaining. Even Secondary Boycott should be legalised in
circumstances where the ‘industrially strong’ support the ‘industrially weak’ ‘in
good faith’.
Importantly, though,
the wage share is lagging in areas like mining ; where regardless of this wages
are significantly higher than average. Profits
are that high. In this case the social
wage needs to be factored in ; and again a windfall profits tax ; and a longer-term
super-profits tax – could help. Welfare also needs to be reformed to respond
comprehensively to the Cost-of-Living crisis ; including all pensions and
unemployment benefits.
Finally, the required
strategic expansion of social and affordable housing demands a greater public
investment. While Labor is correct to
promote an increase in housing supply in geographic areas of job growth, it
also needs to ‘put its money where its mouth is’.
Labor has come to
government at an especially difficult time. But there is a need to deliver on its mandate
; especially for those most in need. Inflation can be contained without hitting the
most vulnerable overall ; and this needs to be Labor’s priority during its first
term.