Dr Tristan Ewins
The 2020 Federal Budget projects a deficit of some $213 billion – a far cry from the previously projected surplus. An already sluggish economy – hit now by Covid-induced economic collapse – left no option but massive stimulus – lest the nation sink into a Depression.
In a way it is encouraging that the government has thrown away the book on neo-liberal orthodoxy to some extent. A contractionary budget would have been disastrous. A notable amount of the stimulus (about $6 billion) comprises wage subsidies aimed at the young – with the aim of supporting some 450,000 jobs. The plight of the older unemployed – thrown onto the Jobseeker scrapheap – is another question. In the largest single measure over $26 billion in tax breaks will be delivered to business to write off the value of new investment by June 2022. There will also be a $4.9 billion “loss carry-back scheme” enabling businesses “to claim refunds or offsets on taxes in previous years.” Importantly, the third round of tax cuts – aimed at high income earners – has not been brought forward - in a win for Labor and the Greens. But the business sweeteners are not consistently tied to job creation and job retention – so for all that money there are no guarantees for workers. According to ACTU President, Michelle O’Neil, the government also projects zero wage growth even if there is economic growth in the coming years.
In Aged Care, $1.6 billion will provide 23,000 home care
packages. But this is below demand, and there are no big plans to reform
residential care. Perhaps this will come
with the final findings of the Aged Care
Royal Commission and the next election: but the need is urgent and ought not be
put off. In fact it is dubious the
Conservatives will find the money for comprehensive Aged Care reform: Home Care
and Residential packages to meet demand ; with quotas for Aged Care Workers and
registered nurses, a winding back of user pays, exercise and GP visits for all
residents, and an emphasis on quality of life. It will be up to Labor and the
Greens to put up a fight, though disappointingly Labor has known about these
problems for over a decade, and is only making the right noises now with the
focus provided by the Royal Commission.
We are talking many billions of dollars annually to make a difference
over the long term.
‘The Age’ reports that “about 11.5 million workers will get
up to $2745 more in their pay packets this financial year”. Though the raising of the threshold of
32.5 per cent to $120,000 from $90,000 is arguably badly targeted. And support for pensioners and the unemployed
is insufficient, with a total of $500 in payments to Aged Pensioners meant to
bring relief and fuel spending. More for
those on low incomes and welfare would
have a greater stimulatory effect, and would contribute to fairness. On the other hand the low income tax offset
will rise from $445 to $700 in a modest but welcome measure.
Importantly, of the new spending measures only $6.7 billion
is going to the states for new infrastructure.
Including other infrastructure
measures the figure is closer to $10 billlion extra over ten years. The government’s main emphasis is in
providing support and incentives to ‘kickstart’ business as opposed to measures
directly supporting consumption at the low and middle ends ; although increased
business confidence would support jobs. The Budget measures emphasise the ‘supply
side’ but neglects the ‘demand side’ when it comes to low income earners, the
unemployed and pensioners. The
opportunity to permanently raise Jobseeker appears to have been neglected, and
many jobs will be lost with the premature withdrawal of Jobkeeper.
Of most concern, stimulus is not a ‘black hole’. Getting
people spending and back to work is part of a ‘virtuous cycle’ which can
restore growth and rejuvenate the government’s balance sheet. With record low interest rates the time has
never been better for investment, and the Government could have done more here.
The economy’s pre-existing weaknesses have not helped ; but
a Labor Government could not have avoided a Covid recession. As Labor has argued it will be putting the
case for ‘better bang for our buck’ in the stimulus. This should mean more
emphasis on those on low incomes and welfare, and providing support where it
will grow spending and investment in jobs most vigorously. Too many businesses will be pocketing these 'sweeteners' without necessarily creating jobs.
In response to the Budget, Anthony Albanese has committed to
further child care subsidies and half a billion to refurbish public
housing. We need wage subsidies for child
care and early education workers as well however. And also subsidies for consumers of child care and early childhood education. Both as a matter of fairness (for child care
and early education workers – and women workers more generally) ; to get more women working, and to
attract talented educators into the field. Also with housing out of reach for
so many people a big investment (into the billions) in public housing now could
both stimulate the economy and promote affordability.
Modern Monetary Theory supposes government can issue
currency to ensure a ‘full employment guarantee’. Such stimulus is part of the picture, but can
be limited by inflation and currency devaluation. Though inflation seems unlikely in the current
environment. Redistribution can’t be done properly and
fairly without tax ; but MMT has something to contribute to this debate. The government's projections on unemployment are nowhere near ambitious enough.
If Labor was in government this kind of stimulus would be
derided as an ‘irresponsible’ ‘cash splash’.
Consensus that stimulus is part of the way forward in times of economic weakness
is at least a good thing in itself. It
sees Conservative arguments against the Rudd stimulus of the Global Financial
Crisis (GFC) blown metaphorically out of the water. Labor governments of the future will be able
to point to the current effective consensus on SOME form of stimulus to help
justify their own efforts when governing in times of downturn
or stagnation. Which will inevitably come as part of the capitalist cycle. But this government's emphasis on the 'supply side' of the equation is nowhere near discriminatory enough.
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