(Mostly Unpublished) Letters to the ‘Herald-Sun’ and ‘The Age’

The following is an array of letters I’ve written in 2019 to ‘The Herald-Sun’ and “The Age’ ; The vast majority were unpublished.   I will keep trying.

Dr Tristan Ewins ; 22/4/19


What’s at Stake in the Election

In the Herald-Sun (14/1/19) Prime Minister, Scott Morrison claims to stand for “A fair go for all Aussies”.  But how does it relate to Liberal policy in-practice? We should build a society where everyone has a roof over their head, access to transport, and a nutritious diet for themselves and their children.  Where no-one is excluded from the technology (especially social media) which is necessary today for job-seeking, but also social inclusion.  A regulated labour market must deliver wage justice to all workers, including in exploited feminised industries.  Cost-of-Living is crucial. No-one should be overwhelmed by the cost of insurance, or various unavoidable bills. Welfare needs to increase in real terms ; with greater incentives and assistance for the disabled to at least retain contact with the labour market where possible.  Education should be provided not only to assist in obtaining a career: but also for personal development and growth ; and the promotion of active and informed citizenship.  Reform of Aged Care is crucial for the dignity of older Australians – but that  requires extra billions annually rather than the ‘token gestures’ we usually receive. The Cost-of-Living Crisis has been exacerbated by ’user pays’ and the privatisation of ‘Natural Public Monopolies’ (eg: in energy, water, communications) which used to deliver superior cost structures both to private consumers and business.  But the Liberals have a record on obsessively pursuing ‘small government’; which means they can never deliver to the Australian people on these issues.  They will cut essential services (eg: Health) in order to hold ‘the size of government’ down ; to pay for unsustainable tax cuts for the well-off; and to suit their Ideology no matter what the real-world consequences.  They will attacks unions: and that could mean further downward pressure on wages and conditions for millions of workers.

Coalition deceitful when it comes to Labor and Taxes

The Herald-Sun (Rob Harris 24/1)  claims that Labor threatens Australians with ‘$200 billion in new taxes’. But this statement is highly misleading. To get in perspective we need to ask: “over how many years?”, and “what per cent of GDP?”  In fact Labor’s  overall tax increase amount to in the vicinity less than 1 per cent of GDP a year.  And those reforms are designed for progressivity – a fair go for those on low and middle incomes.  By comparison, lower and middle income families can expect better health care, better education resourcing for their kids , more affordable housing for young families.  There will also be tax cuts for lower and middle income earners.  Regulatory reform of Aged Care ( as implemented by the Federal Government) is welcome, but the associated problems (abuse or neglect of our loved ones) will not be solved without a very significant commitment of new resources. As with the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) : into the billions.  We need a consensus in this country between the parties that the health, aged care and educational needs of Australians are non-negotiable – and will not be traded in return for achieving the Ideological goal of ‘smaller government no matter what’. Labor needs to ‘come to the party’ on Aged Care reform as well.

‘Collective Consumption’ Superior to ‘User Pays’

The Federal Government is pushing the line that ‘small government and lower taxes’ are preferable because it’s better for people to have personal control of their spending. But in fact lower taxes can leave voters much worse off. Where would we be without the tax-funded Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme – which uses the purchasing power of government to provide cheaper medicines? Where would we be without Medicare? In America the cost of health care is roughly double of Australia ; though arguably we have better outcomes.  Despite a large element of ‘User Pays’, Aged Care is inadequate and cannot be ‘fixed’ without funding for infrastructure, and for the pay and training of Aged Care workers and nurses.  Also, arguably thanks to lower taxes and ‘small government’ governments no longer provide infrastructure such as roads ‘for free’.  The private sector borrows at an inferior rate, and the alternative of ‘toll roads’ can hit those on lower incomes and outer suburbs hardest.  Finally, most Australians would prefer to trust in the state education system ; but knowing the sector is under-resourced many go well beyond their means to provide private schooling for their kids.  It makes sense to ‘get the balance right’ on tax rather than ‘race to the bottom’.

https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.XPD.CHEX.GD.ZS

What’s Happening in Venezuela

 (Responding on Venezuela in ‘Your Say’)  It is not ‘socialism’ which is destroying Venezuela. Causes of the crisis include external destabilisation and intervention, rampant corruption, hyper-inflation and plummeting oil prices. Although under Hugo Chavez (before Maduro) GDP per head sky-rocketed ; unemployment was slashed ; infant mortality was almost halved and general health also improved markedly. It begs the question what the government might have achieved without the corruption and destabilisation. ‘Socialism’ was not the problem.  And certainly “democratic socialist” governments as epitomised by the Nordic examples do not fit the mould presented by Rita Panahi. Nonetheless, some report repression as being on the rise in Venezuela ; and some people are talking up the prospects of US intervention and/or war.   Though Guaido seems to be free to mobilise and agitate without suppression from the Venezuelan Government. The history of US interventions in Central and South America speaks for itself: with hundreds of thousands killed in El Salvador, Guatemala, Chile and Nicaragua.  Venezuela is in ‘an alliance of convenience’ with countries including Iran and Russia: and that also makes it a target for intervention.  But ‘interests’ aside ; the West needs to support the sovereignty of the Venezuelan people. We need a process of power-sharing and compromise leading to a general election some time over the next couple of years.  We do not need war.

Yes, the Nordics were Socialist

Chris Collins (11/1) argues that the Nordic countries have never been “socialist” because  they have not conformed to the original Marxist definition of the centralisation of the means of production in state hands.  In reality, though, there were always a variety of definitions, and even Marxists themselves have revised their understandings.  Socialist aspirations include ending exploitation and the class system ; and reducing inequalities to a fair level. In Marx’s words, to advance the principle  “from each according to ability, to each according to need’.  That includes a strong welfare state and social wage ; involving not only natural public monopolies and strategic state ownership ; but also producers’ and consumers’ co-operatives, democratic funds, and a mix of competition, markets and planning. Socialism also means building an economy focused on ‘use values’. (not just maximising abstract exchange value ; eg: preserving the natural environment)  But we’re in a global economy: which means we have to live with the transnational corporations.  Arguably, we live in a ‘One Dimensional Society’ where substantially different social alternatives are excluded from discussion.  What’s needed is robust pluralism: where socialism is part of the debate ; and hence a genuine option in the broader context of democracy.

Fixing Aged Care is incompatible with Tax Cuts and ‘Small Government’

The Herald-Sun (13/2/19) outlines serious cases of neglect in nursing homes run by Bupa. But as recognised in the same article, there is a more general shortfall in the provision of services as well.  The Aged Care Crisis cannot be resolved without very significant new provision of resources.  ‘Giving with one hand only to take with the other’ is not good enough.  Only billions in new funding will provide for the needs of the Aged: including a sufficient improvement in ratios of nurses to residents, and of aged care workers to residents. Those workers (overwhelmingly women) also deserve improvements in pay in conditions given the demanding nature of their work.   And Home care packages need to be made available where-ever and when-ever the need arises.  These packages need to promote social engagement and combat loneliness as well as enabling aged Australians to remain in their homes. Finally, the quality of facilities needs to improve markedly. Residents need privacy ; but also more to do than being sat down in common rooms in front of television sets all day.  This is not compatible with agendas for 'smaller government'.

Shorten ‘Nudging in the Right Direction’

(Responding to the Herald-Sun Your Say)  Ron Hobba decries what he sees as Bill Shorten’s ‘divisive’ policies on social justice and redistribution.  On the other hand there is a glaring need for more investment in aged care, disability services, health, education, transport and communications infrastructure, and so on.  Pensioners are also struggling, and Newstart is so low as to actually inhibit any search for work.  Governments need to work out the fairest way of paying for services, infrastructure and social security.  Otherwise we will have user pays and privatisation which is more expensive for consumers in the end.  Especially those on low incomes, many of whom work just as hard as those on higher incomes. Also, some tax measures (eg: superannuation  tax concessions) subsidise the already-well-off to the tune of billions and billions.  In this context everyone needs to pay their fair share.  And it’s not fair to give tax generous breaks to the already-wealthy while other Australians’ wages stagnate. If anything, Shorten’s measures are way too modest: but they are ‘nudging in the right direction’.

Is it only Business who ‘create jobs’?

J.Muir (YS, March 28^th) argues it is businesses, not governments who create jobs.  Strictly speaking this is not true.  Government can create jobs in Education, Health, support for Aged Care, public housing, security services, parks and gardens, and all kinds of infrastructure. (communications, transport etc) In the days of ‘the mixed economy’ government businesses actually enhanced competition while also delivering a public dividend.  Think the Commonwealth Bank, the GIO (Government Insurance Office) and so on. Before governments had been stripped of their assets via privatisations - all kinds of social goods and services used to be provided more efficiently as well. Government has a superior rate on its borrowings ; and did not need to pay for excessive CEO salaries, dividends to private shareholders, and so on.  This consensus on ‘the mixed economy’ prevailed even in Menzies’ time.  But today both Liberal and Labor ‘have form’ on privatisation. Though typically the Conservatives go much further. ( eg: privatising ‘poles and wires’ in NSW)  The problem with funding new infrastructure through privatisations is that sooner or later the assets run out.  And what can be done then except further User-Pays ; or more desirably – pay for it through progressive tax?  (as should have been done in the first place)

Bill’s Budget Reply

“Bill Shorten made a strong Budget Reply ; critiquing the largesse the Coalition is providing for high income Australians through tax cuts. And providing little for the working poor and the most vulnerable. Shorten promises a ‘living wage’ ; and perhaps most significantly to provide billions to assist Australians struggling with cancer: to get them the help they need without falling into poverty. On the other hand, Chris Bowen has promised taxes will not rise. Instead the focus is on closing loopholes and eliminating unfair rebates. But for several elections now neither side of politics has paid sufficient attention to Aged Care and Mental Health. While many seniors wait in the vicinity of a two years for ‘stay at home packages’, those in residential care face chronic neglect. There must be a registered nurse available at all times, and there’s a need for quotas when it comes to aged care staff. Even if Shorten raised progressive tax by one per cent of GDP ($17 billion) that would provide very substantial room to move. Tax pays for ‘collective consumption’ and ‘social insurance’ that’s in everyone’s interests. For instance, the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme. Or (hypothetically) Medicare Dental. Nonetheless truly cracking down on corporate tax avoidance could reap billions too. Bill Shorten: please have the courage to harness the resources to ensure the most neglected are neglected no longer.”

What Cuts will Mean under another Liberal Government

John Rolfe (16/4/19) reports “a person making $99,000 this financial year could pay an extra $1440 in tax under Labor in 2022-23 when their earnings would be about $110,000.” (or more)  But the Median wage in Australia is just over $55,000/year.  The people the Liberals are depicting as ‘average workers’ are actually well above the median wage.  And the Liberals have ‘flattened’ the top tax rate: so those on lower incomes are paying the same top tax rate as those on the highest incomes. The Coalition argues Labor are raising taxes, whereas at this point they are just closing costly loopholes which benefit the wealthy.  While those on lower incomes may gain a tiny increase from tax cuts, they would more than pay for that with Health and Education Cuts.  A Liberal Government means extra levies for neglected state schools. Less infrastructure like roads, and more tolls and congestion. Botched NBN.  Botched or neglected NDIS and Aged Care. Higher university fees. ‘Out on your own’ if you need to be tested for cancer.  Massive Liberal tax cuts also mean it would be impossible to achieve the projected surplus without massive cuts to services and infrastructure.

Tax Cuts WILL mean Austerity ; The Duplicitous nature of Scott Morrison’s arguments

(Late April 2019)   "With a dubious outlook on world growth how can Scott Morrison possibly claim hundreds of billions in tax cuts and a surplus at the same time – without accompanying cuts to health, education, aged care, infrastructure? (or to scrap the surplus) The Liberals claim ‘small government’ is the key to a strong economy ; however some of the strongest economies in Europe tend to suggest otherwise – with much stronger welfare states and social wages than we enjoy in Australia. Tax cuts mean money in the pocket – but mainly for the top end of town. The rest of us get the scraps ; with degraded infrastructure and services ; and probably attacks on our wages and conditions. A mere 1.5% (of GDP) increase in tax – aimed mainly at the top 10% - could free $25 billion a year in resources for National Aged Care Insurance, Medicare Dental, resources for mental health, state-financed infrastructure without the user pays, public communications, energy and transport infrastructure, and a fair social insurance and welfare system for all of us. The tax mix also needs to be restructured and indexed for fairness: so ‘bracket creep’ does not gradually ‘level’ the system – with the poor paying more."

Participatory Democracies are Strong Democracies

Recent commentaries in the Herald-Sun have dismissed the wave of ‘student strikes’ (eg:  for Climate Action) over the past few months.  Perhaps we should look at this from a different point of view.  A participatory democracy is a strong democracy.  And a strong democracy can – and indeed should – accommodate civil disobedience as an option for citizens to express their views and interests.  Andrew Bolt and others may oppose the cause.  But more generally, a participatory democracy is a healthy one.  I for one hope those involved remain active citizens into and through adult-hood.

Democracy depends on Civic Mobilisation

In response to John Pesutto. (‘The Age’, 14/4) What critics don’t seem to realise is that the strength of a democracy can hinge on the mobilisation and activity of its civil society. If we do not accept protest and civil disobedience we are weakening the fabric of our democracy.  Indeed, an active civil society is a safeguard for democracy's long-term preservation. Perhaps free speech should not be ‘absolute’, but every time we weaken its universality we set a precedent which ‘could come back to bite’ progressive forces later down the track.  Further, Left advocates usually do not have the same opportunity to express their views.  And by ‘Left’ I include left social democrats and democratic socialists.  And even the more radical have a right for their ideas to be tested.  When on the odd occasion a  left-wing commentator appears on the ABC there are calls of ‘bias’.  But Left views are almost absent in Newscorp newspapers ; and ‘The Age’ has moved to the relative Centre. What we need is a truly strong pluralism in our democracy.  A ‘battlefield of ideas’ where journalists do not try and manipulate ; but rather a genuine, inclusive and honest contest of analysis and values.

Jeremy Corbyn , the Left and Marxism: With Lessons for Australia and the World

above: British Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn is seen by many as radical, but his policies are traditional-social-democratic

Dr Tristan Ewins

Australian Labor Party activist and social commentator

British social commentator, Mal Fletcher (On Line Opinion 7/11 ; and ‘2020 Plus’)  warns of the ‘dangers’ of a ‘Hard-Left’ Jeremy Corbyn and the spectre of Marxist and socialist resurgence.   But what’s the reality behind this posturing?  We’ll look at both the claims made against Corbyn and at the deployment of Marxism as a ‘political bogeyman’. From there we’ll look at social democratic and Marxist arguments around economy and society more thoroughly.

Firstly: yes British Labour is turning Left after years of Blairite Centrism.  Corbyn is bringing British Labour back to the ‘relative historical mainstream’ of ‘traditional social democracy’. 

Still, Corbyn’s plans for limited resocialisation (eg: of railways and utilities) threaten a precedent whereby decades of privatisation are not necessarily “a one way street”.  Some on the Right – including so-called ‘Labour moderates’ appear quite frightened at that prospect.  If anything it is they who are ideologically-inflexible on the public sector ; and cannot abide by its extension in any way, shape or form.  But compare this with the 1970s when Labour thinkers such as Stuart Holland (in ‘The Socialist Challenge’)  were demanding “Nationalisation of the Commanding Heights”.   Considered historically, Corbyn is not ‘far Left’ ; but rather is suggestive of British Labour ‘returning home’ ideologically to ‘traditional social democracy’. (although some in the Corbyn camp – and in the ‘Momentum’ movement which supports him - might be more ambitious over the longer term) In light of this, Australian Labor’s Bill Shorten’s ‘shift Left’ appears much more modest. Shorten will not consider resocialisations ; but may pursue ‘a living wage’ (though has equivocated on prior commitments to raise minimum wages), and moderate progressive tax reform.

Other Corbyn signature policies include Free Education, preservation of the National Health Service,  efforts to reduce inequality, and an investment in public housing.  This also means a more-progressive tax system; improvement of wages – including for the working poor;  a proper industry policy ; and public investment in infrastructure.  It suggests a Labour Party which treats social democracy seriously ; not a ‘far Left’ Labour Party ; but a Labour Party which refuses ‘Policy Convergence’ on neo-liberalism and ‘right-wing economic consensus’.  The ‘shift to the Left’ is not ‘extreme’, but nonetheless it is the most significant development on the British Left in decades.

Fletcher seems to agree that ‘planning’ is inevitable ; but poses the question “who does the planning?”.  If planning is not democratic, here, do we suppose it is done by the corporates ‘behind closed doors’ ; with many politicians just taking it for granted that ‘the crucial economic decisions’ are not to be made democratically?  That is: that the job of representative government is merely to ‘provide support’ to the corporates – who are the real economic decision-makers.   Nonetheless, comprehensive economic planning by central government is not the answer either. Not least of all because it could result in unacceptable centralisation of economic (and hence cultural, social and political) power if implemented without safeguards.   Arguably we need both ‘democratisation’ AND ‘checks and balances’ in the economy ; which also translate into political, social and cultural ‘checks and balances’.

That said:  what are we to make of charges of ‘Marxism’ ; and is ‘Marxism’ really such a bad thing?

Capitalism is a real ‘mixed bag’ here: a mix of success and chronic failure.

Market economies involve corporations and businesses which can be driven by the market context to respond innovatively to the intricacies of consumer demand ; and allocate resources as efficiently as they can in order to remain competitive.

On the other hand there is the threat of monopoly or oligopolistic collusion ; as well as planned obsolescence.  Some areas (eg: energy markets) exist in a context where product differentiation is difficult ; many consumers would just like to ‘take such things for granted’.  At the end of the day many of them are simply fleeced by predatory corporations. 

So on the other hand while the traditional Marxist aim of ‘centralising the means of production in the hands of the State’ may seem archaic, great swathes of the Marxist critique of capitalism retain force.  What Marx referred to (in Capital Vol I) as ‘the coercive laws of competition’ means that capitalists are constantly driven to revolutionise the means of production.   Historically, this has led to relative material abundance – which Marx saw as ‘a good thing’.  On the other hand, these dynamics result in inefficiencies, including duplication of cost-structures and premature obsolescence.  To offset this capitalism is forced to adopt a posture of ‘perpetual growth’. This can have environmental and social consequences as ‘the economy’ is decoupled from human need ; and instead the emphasis is ‘growth (regardless of actual quality) no matter what the cost’.  Also today’s capitalist economy is truly global ; and arguably capitalism is ‘running out of new markets to expand into’.  This could lead to serious crises into the future with insufficient markets to absorb capitalism’s ‘excess produce’.

Today,  also, those ‘coercive laws of competition’ might result in ‘an unsustainable race to the bottom on tax’ or with regard wages – which means less consumer demand over the long-run.  It can also result in privatisation of essential infrastructure and functions ; which means the State abdicating responsibility for ‘what it does best’.  Hence the possibility of nepotism and corruption in the context of ‘Public Private Partnerships’ for private sector mates ; and/or full privatisations ‘at a relative discount.’

Privatisation of ‘Government Business Enterprises’ (eg: Medibank Private and the Commonwealth Bank in Australia) also means that those enterprises’ ‘social charters’ are lost.  In many cases that included a responsibility to behave competitively.  Reversion to privatisation can mean a return to private oligopoly ; an inferior deal for consumers ; and in the worst of cases damaging collusion.

At the end of the day workers, businesses, citizens, consumers – all end up paying for this.  But many capitalists support the ‘neo-liberal status quo’ for Ideological purposes ; or because they are fearful of “a foot in the door for socialism”.  (more on that later)

Marxism also critiqued the tendency in capitalism to centralise ownership of most capital in fewer and fewer hands.  That observation remains in force ; and the consequence is “the translation of economic power into political power”.  Narrow-neoliberalism is enforced with the zealotry of “an official ideology” ; as are corporate interests.  Unions are curtailed and vilified ; the wage share of the economy falls ; Media Moguls manipulate the climate of public opinion cynically.  ‘Political Correctness’ is constantly beaten up to divide the constituencies of broadly-Left Parties by attrition. A return to the principles of social democracy is dismissed as ‘populism’.  In Australia specifically we have the Conservatives banning labour movement imagery in workplaces (eg: the “Eureka” flag) ; threatening charities who speak out on public policy ; trying to shut down mass movements (eg: ‘GetUp!’) and prevent them from participating in elections.  (and yet at the same time they still talk of ‘liberalism’ and ‘free speech’)

Capitalist societies dealt with problems of distribution via markets and through the dynamics of  ‘supply and demand’.  This was ‘more efficient’ than the ‘waiting queues’ we once heard of in the USSR ; and market forces also meant innovation and responsiveness.  But ‘the market’ also ruthlessly excluded the poor on the basis of ‘capacity to pay’.  In the West arguably we had greater cultural freedom and innovation.  (though perhaps ‘post-the-Cold-War’ the West does not ‘need’ liberalism and democracy as much as it used to for purposes of legitimation ; hence liberties – and perhaps democracy itself - are under threat)  But the ‘economic abundance’ we enjoyed existed in the context of a global economy where the [economic]  ‘Core’ exploited the ‘Periphery’.  For example, American economic exploitation and subordination of Central and South America ; and the emergence of countries like Bangladesh as ‘the sweatshops of the World’.    The ‘World Economic Order’ will also ‘be up for grabs’ with the rise of China and India; and continuing relative prosperity cannot be taken for granted.

But if a ‘traditional socialist economy’ (along the lines of the former USSR) is not the answer, what is?

Firstly in response to those specific issues just raised:  again considering the Australian context ; a socialist energy policy might provide micro-renewable energy for the poor, and for public housing estates (see: the former South Australian Labor Government’s policy as of February 2018) , to reduce demand on the National Grid, and ensure that everyone can enjoy cooling in times of ‘peak-demand’. (eg: Heatwaves)  The ‘leave it to the market’ response, however, would see vulnerable people (eg: the elderly) ‘opting out’ in the process of ‘supply and demand’ – despite the fact they are the ones who need the product most.  (and human lives are at stake!)  Meanwhile importation of textiles from enterprises who ruthlessly exploit their workers – including unsafe working conditions – might be banned.

More generally: Probably the best Leftists can expect in the foreseeable future is to forge “historic compromises” which deliver security, freedoms, opportunity and happiness for the masses they represent.  We should talk about Marxist ideas on socialism and communism honestly and not closed-mindedly.  But if ever the world does approximate Marx’s ‘authentic communist ideal’ it might never occur strictly via the path Marx predicted. The industrial working-class might never return to the economic pre-eminence that Marx predicted, and to a significant extent as he observed in its early development.  This also means the industrial working class might no longer be considered the ‘universal subject’ bearing ‘universal liberation’.  The reality will be much more ‘messy’ ; and the task is one of building alliances ; and indeed what Gramsci may have called a ‘counter-hegemonic historic bloc’.  This is exactly why efforts to divide the Left’s constituencies against each other are such a threat.

A more ‘rational’ economy means – to begin with – setting the public sector free to do what it does best.  Efficiencies arising from Natural Public Monopolies ; and more competitive markets in the context of Government Business Enterprises with ‘social’ and ‘competitive’ charters ; can mean a ‘better deal’ for everyone . (workers, citizens, business)   And ‘collective consumption’ (via tax) of essential social goods and services (eg: Health, Infrastructure, Education, Welfare Services) also results in a ‘better deal’.   Extension of the public sector in this way does inevitably involve ‘planning’.  And while central planning might not be advisable for an entire economy, there is a strategic place for it.

Most of the OECD is also far from emulating ‘the Nordic Historic Compromise’.  In Australia, specifically, though, we are well behind the OECD average with regard our Tax to GDP Ratio as well. Extrapolating from the percentage gap between Australia and the Nordics, Australia would need to raise tax by around $300 billion/year to match Nordic tax to GDP ratios.  (The current figure may be slightly lower: The OECD recently placed the Nordics at around 45% of GDP ; though Wikipedia suggests in the vicinity of 50% - with 54% for Finland ; Perhaps Wikipedia is somewhat out-of-date ; sadly the Nordic Model continues a slow retreat) And redistribution via tax remains an important lever to ‘grow the social wage and welfare state’.  (which are vehicles not only for redistribution and fairness, but also for ‘efficient collective consumption’)  

But that kind of change ‘does not happen over-night’. A medium term objective for Australia, then, might be to match the OECD average ; and progressively raise an additional $80 billion/year (in today’s terms) ; or otherwise put: raise progressive tax by 5 per cent of GDP.  In the rest of the ‘Anglosphere’ (USA, Britain, Australia, Canada, New Zealand) progressive parties could do to think on a similar scale over the medium term.

Beyond this Leftists could also think in terms of a ‘democratic mixed economy’.   That is: an economy based on a strategic mix of competitive markets and planning ; but also promotion of economic democracy at a range of levels.  Let the public sector do what it does best ; and don’t necessarily be narrowly Ideological or traditional in determining this. (for instance, strategic and limited public investment in print media may be a ‘cultural imperative’ : where ‘legacy media’ retain great cultural power ; are centralised in the hands of a few ; and where the quality of journalism is declining in that context)  But where market forces act more to the benefit of society than not – then democratise those market forces.  This can mean State Aid in support of mutuals and co-operatives on both a large and a small scale. (both producers’ and consumers’ co-ops)  That could also involve ‘public sector co-investments’ with co-ops to help them maintain the scale necessary to remain competitive.  In specific contexts regions could also contribute: where local jobs are at stake.  It can also mean policies for democratic collective capital formation, and also for (union-friendly) co-determination.  ( ‘Democratic collective capital formation’ refers to a range of policies from Superannuation in Australia (less radical and democratic) to the attempted ‘Meidner Wage Earner Funds’ in Sweden (more radical and democratic) which aimed to compensate workers for wage restraint with collective capital share ; resulting in radical economic redistribution.  ‘Co-determination’ means structural corporate consultation with workers ; including worker representatives on company boards.)

Critics could argue that such policies are ‘a foot in the door for [democratic] socialism’.  And indeed they might well be.  But the ‘Keynesian Post-War Historic Compromise’   - which benefited workers and citizens – was in the interests of business as well.  Resurgent social democracy and democratic socialism today might also (in some ways) be beneficial to business as well as to workers, consumers, citizens.  We should be able to reach a ‘rational consensus’ around a robust mixed economy where the debate is focused on ‘where to draw the line’.  This would mean Liberals, Conservatives, and the so-called ‘Social Democratic (Blairite) Centre’ ceding Ideological ground.  It would result in a rebalancing of class forces ; and for this alone it would be strenuously resisted by many.  The Nordics show both the potential for delivering ‘a good society’ on the basis of similar policies ; and also the possibility of pitched struggles over ‘where to draw the line’ on economic democracy.  Swedish corporates ‘had their way’ in defeating the ‘Meidner Wage Earner Funds’ in the 1980s.  Again, there has been a ‘slow retreat’ since ; but the overall historic example is still inspiring.

Today ‘Labour’, ‘Capital’ and other social forces could agree that a ‘robust mixed economy’ is pretty-much in the interests of all ; but that what Swedish social theorist Walter Korpi called ‘the democratic class struggle’ will continue on many fronts ; and in this process there are ‘no guarantees’.  In this process we could envisage what Gramsci would call a long  ‘War of Position’ or what Kautsky earlier referred to as a ‘War of Attrition’.  They are different conceptions; but are similar in way ; and both are valid in their own sense. ‘War of Position’ assumes a long ‘counter-hegemonic’ struggle – not only a struggle for the state ; but for society’s ‘common sense’ (the Ideological assumptions that are reinforced such as to be ‘taken for granted’ in a given society) ; and the way that Ideology is entrenched in the various institutions and social bodies of civil society. ‘War of Attrition’ meanwhile suggests a ‘wearing down of capitalism’ over the long term ; through social movements, cultural, industrial and electoral interventions – but not a ‘War of Annihilation’ (another Kautskyan term) which assumes more of a ‘frontal assault’ to overthrow the capitalist state.  Importantly, Kautsky supposed there were (rare) circumstances where ‘War of Annihilation’ made sense ; but if pursued under the wrong circumstances this could simply exhaust the proletariat ; see it demobilised or even suppressed or crushed.   ‘Wars of movement’ (the Gramscian term for a ‘pitched assault’ against capitalism) are not to be ruled out in every circumstance ; but where democratic processes could provide ‘a pathway to democratic socialism’, a strategy of ‘revolutionary reforms’ or ‘slow [democratic] revolution’ is preferable.  Though the Left needs to be prepared for the contingency that the bourgeoisie could well ‘dispense’ with democracy itself (as far as it is capable) if its interests are seriously threatened.

Finally let’s remember the underlying human principles of Marxism  ; which were made a cruel mockery of under Stalinist regimes.  Marx saw the material abundance produced under capitalism as creating the economic basis for human freedom.   This could mean a shorter working week, as well as greater opportunity for cultural, social and economic ‘personal growth’ and participation.  In Australia a reformed National Curriculum might also promote active, informed and critical citizenship, amidst a backdrop of tolerance and deep-seeded pluralism.   (though this is more in the spirit of Chantal Mouffe’s  ‘Agonistic’ ‘Post-Marxism’ than the original perspective of Marx) Marx’s overall approach was not a mere ‘bread and water socialism’ ; even though socialists believe there are areas (eg: health and education, water and energy) which demand comprehensive socialised provision.  Indeed there are aspects of the Marxist vision which could be compatible with certain strands of liberalism concerned with personal growth, liberty and empowerment.

Marxism should not be seen as an ‘Ideological bogeyman’ ; especially where terms like ‘cultural Marxism’ are thrown around with abandon – but where few people understand what Marxism really means anymore.   The fact that Jeremy Corbyn is experiencing such resistance to any return to ‘traditional social democracy’ (including substantial disinformation) provides some idea, also, of the resistance and ‘muddying of the waters’ we might encounter if we propose anything more-radical.  But future convulsions in response to capitalism’s shortcomings (or what Marx would have called its ‘contradictions’) are inevitable.  Somewhat ironically: in the ‘big picture’ socialists could well hold the key to ‘saving capitalism from itself’ even while setting the foundations for surpassing it with a far more democratic and free society much further into the future.

April 2018